Friday, 20 December 2024

A Summary of the Military and Political Career of Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco

  
Capitán de fragata (Commander) Luis Carrero Blanco as the face of an original 1937 Spanish Civil War ration coupon.

Luis Carrero Blanco was a close associate of Generalissimo Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War which lasted from1936 to 1939. Franco, the leader of the Nationalist side became the undisputed head of state after victory over the Republican side and continued to lead Spain until his death in 1975.

Military education:

. 1918 - Naval Infantry School
. 1924 - Submarine School Course
. 1932 - Naval School, Paris

Military ranks (select):

. 1926 - Lieutenant 
. 1935 - Commander
. 1945 - Captain
. 1957 - Rear Admiral
. 1963 - Vice Admiral
. 1966 - Admiral

He held the following military positions:

. Ship Captain
. Submarine Commander
. Professor at the Naval College, Madrid
. Commander of the Cruiser Division of the Spanish Navy 
. Chief of Operations of the Navy High Command
. Chief of the General Staff

Carrero Blanco became an important functionary in Francoist Spain. He held the following appointments:
. 1940 - Under Secretary to the Presidency
. 1943 - Vice President of the Cortes
. 1967 - Deputy Premier
. 1973 - Prime Minister of Spain

Carrero Blanco authored at least three books:

. Spain and the Sea (1941)
. The Art of Naval Warfare (1943)
. The Victory of Christ of Lepanto (1947)

He was assassinated in a bomb attack by ETA, the Basque separatist group, on December 20, 1973.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.



Sunday, 8 December 2024

French Navy Tribute Recalls A Dramatic Connection Between Charles de Gaulle And Notre Dame Cathedral

FS Charles de Gaulle displays Notre Dame Cathedral on its deck (Source of photo: Chef d'état-major de la Marine on "X", formerly "Twitter").

A photograph released by the office of the French Chief of Naval Staff on Saturday, December 7, 2024, commemorated the re-opening of the refurbished Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris, which was gutted by a fire in 2019.

The overhead shot of the aircraft carrier FS Charles de Gaulle, the flagship of the French Navy, depicts the revered Cathedral using 922 members of its crew to reconstruct its façade.

Notre Dame Cathedral was of course the site of an assassination attempt on General Charles de Gaulle in August 26th, 1944. De Gaulle was in Paris to attend a thanksgiving service to celebrate the Liberation of the city.

As "Le General" strode into the Cathedral at the head of a procession of French soldiers and members of the resistance who had marched from the Arc de Triomphe, shots rang out from the dark corners of the Cathedral’s roof.

But as people threw themselves downwards to take cover, an unperturbed de Gaulle continued walking at his full height towards the altar and remained untouched by the hail of gunfire.

The echo of bullets exchanged between the snipers and the French security team of gendarmes and soldiers soon died down and was replaced by the sound of the congregation singing the Latin Christian hymn “Te Deum”.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.



Tuesday, 26 November 2024

ICC Warrant of Arrest Against Binyamin Netanyahu: My Interview On Jahan Emrooz ("Today's World"), A News Programme Broadcast On The Islamic Republic Of Iran News Network

I made an appearance on Iranian TV on Friday, November 22nd speaking about the issue by the International Criminal Court (ICC) of warrants of arrest against Binyamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of Israel, and Yoav Gallant, former Defence Minister of Israel.

Jahan Emrooz ("Today's World") is a live late night news programme broadcast from Tehran on the Islamic Republic Of Iran News Network (IRINN).

The comments of guests are translated into Farsi as the guest is speaking.

Friday, November 22nd, 2024, was Jomeh, Azar 2, 1403 in Iran who use the Solar Hijri calendar dating system.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer and lecturer in law who is based in London, England.

The interview can be viewed at:

Rumble

Friday, 22 November 2024

Rear Admiral Thomas Buchanan’s Statement on Nuclear War Harks Back To The Dark Days Of Herman Kahn’s First Strike Nuclear Doctrine During The Cold War

Rear Admiral Thomas “T.C.” Buchanan (Photo credit: U.S. Navy).

Rear Admiral Thomas Buchanan, the Director of Plans and Policy of the United States Department of Defense’s Strategic Command (STRATCOM), while speaking at the Project Atom 2024 event at the Center for Strategic and International Studies on Wednesday, November 20th, 2024, said that the United States would allow a nuclear exchange if the outcome was on terms that he described as "acceptable" to the country and its interests. This meant, Buchanan continued, that the United States would after such an exchange “continue to lead the world.”

These comments are being seen as dangerous since they imply that a limited nuclear war could be fought and won - a shift from the longstanding understanding that a nuclear exchange between the United States and a nuclear power such as the Soviet Union and its successor Russian state would lead to Mutually Assured Destruction i.e. MAD.

The idea of "winning" a nuclear war despite knowing that many American cities would be incinerated goes back to the time of Herman Kahn, an influential American physicist and military strategist who was prominent in the 1950s and 1960s. Kahn’s “First Strike” doctrine posited that a nuclear war was winnable. His influence penetrated the Pentagon and certain military figures such as Air Force General Curtis LeMay subscribed to his views. A right-wing war hawk, in 1949 LeMay drew up plans to destroy 77 Russian cities in a single day of bombing.

Buchanan’s comments come at a time of increased tension between Russia and the United States. The Russian Federation has redrafted its nuclear doctrine in the light of the decision of the outgoing administration of U.S. President Joe Biden to enable the use by Ukraine of long range ATACMS and Storm Shadow missiles for use against the Russian Federation during its conflict in Ukraine.

There have been calls for U.S. Secretary of State for Defense Lloyd Austin to sack RAdm Buchanan.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Wednesday, 20 November 2024

Profile of Captain Kojo Tsikata (1936-2021)


An alumni of Achimota College and a graduate of Sandhurst Military Academy, Kojo Tsikata was involved in many of the tumultuous events in Ghana's political history: From the Congo to abortive coups and the era of the PNDC government led by Flt. Lt. Jerry Rawlings.

His ideological influences lay in Nkrumaist Pan-Africanism and Socialism. As a young man he had a political relationship with Dr. Kwame Nkrumah who sent him on special missions to the Congo and Angola. In the early 1960s, he served as Nkrumah's military envoy to Patrice Lumumba in the Congo. And in May 1965, Nkrumah sent him to Angola to serve as a military adviser to the nascent MPLA (Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola). He arrived in Cabinda a few weeks before the arrival of the first six Cuban advisers.

He would go on to develop political ties with the likes of Fidel Castro, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi.

But in the later part of the 1960s Tsikata faced obstacles. The military regime which had overthrown Nkrumah in February 1966 would the following year declare him a wanted man. Tsikata was thus forced into exile where he remained until the return of civilian rule under Dr. Kofi Busia.

In the interim period, he was persuaded to attend a meeting in Guinea in November 1968 at which the discussion was about bringing Nkrumah back to power. He arrived in Conakry with plans for removing the Ghanaian junta from power. However, Nkrumah refused to see him because he believed that Tsikata had been involved in a pre-1966 plot to overthrow his Convention People's Party (CPP). Suspecting that he was embarked on an enterprise to assassinate Nkrumah, the Guinean government detained him and threatened to execute him. It is claimed that the Mozambican guerrilla Samora Machel, then a rising commander in FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique), interceded on Tsikata's behalf and Tsikata was expelled from Guinea.

At some point after his return to Ghana from exile, he left for Angola where he served as a military adviser to President Agostinho Neto's MPLA forces under the assumed name of Carlos Silva Gomes. His role in Angola was interrupted by health problems which necessitated travel to the United Kingdom where he received treatment at London's Brompton Hospital for fibrotic pulmonary sarcoidosis i.e. non-malignant but severe growths in the lungs.

On November 29th, 1975, when he was working as the general manager of the Ghana Diamond Marketing Board, Tsikata was arrested and went on trial for his alleged involvement in the "One man, One Machete" coup against the Acheampong government. He was severely tortured and later convicted by a military tribunal which sentenced him to death. The sentence was later commuted. As a prominent Ghanaian newspaper editor told the New York Times in 1976, the Acheampong regime which had previously prosecuted three subversion trials since its coming to power had an unwritten policy: “if you don't spill blood, you won't pay with your blood.”

Tsikata was a key member of the PNDC during which time he served as the National Security Advisor. Tsikata's legacy was severely tarnished by the circumstances surrounding the kidnap and murder of three Ghanaian High Court Judges and a retired Army Officer in 1982.

A Special Investigation Board chaired by a former Chief Justice of Ghana recommended that Tsikata and nine others be prosecuted for the murders. However, the serving Attorney General of Ghana concluded that there had been "insufficient evidence" to prosecute him. Further, the sole witness against Tsikata subsequently withdrew his accusation just before his firing squad execution.

Tsikata died on November 20th, 2021 at the age of 85.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024)

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer who is based in London, England.

Saturday, 16 November 2024

“Ode To The Wind” By Danny and The Counts (1966)


Walk down that glory road
Don't you turn back
All the things you’ve left behind 
Are painted black

And the things you thought were real
Have put you down
La la la la la la
When your body and mind are weak
You'll hear this-
La la la la la la

At the end of each weary day
As the sun goes down
Look to the sky and say:
"Oh Lord, I feel down" 

All the things in life, you see
Cannot be found 
La la la la la la
When your body and mind are weak
You'll hear this-
La la la la la la
La la la la la

All the things in life, you see
Cannot be found 
La la la la la la
When your body and mind are weak
You’ll hear this-
La la la la la la 
La la la la la

Band Members.

Danny Parra – guitar and lead vocals
Javier Valenzuela – lead guitar and vocals
Eric Huereque – bass and vocals
Joe Huereque – drums
Joe Martinez – tambourine and vocals


 

Wednesday, 13 November 2024

A potted history of the shifts in mercenary loyalty in the former Belgian Congo from 1960 to 1967

An early memoir published in 1969 by "Black Jack" Schramme which translates to "The Leopard Battalion: Memories of a White African".

Often referred to as “the world’s second oldest profession”, appraisals of the role of the mercenary often veer from the sort of romanticised fiction portrayed in the 1978 movie The Wild Geese to that of the amoral “soldier of fortune” who profits from the human misery which accompanies war. It is the latter view which has tended prevail so much so that the term “mercenary” has been rebranded in recent decades. Today, they are often politely referred to as “military contractors”.

The activities of mercenaries in Africa’s post-independence civil wars of the second half of the 20th century arguably provided the basis through which the mercenary was defined in the popular imagination. And no where else was the role of the mercenary as hero and brigand more explored than the wars waged in the former Belgian Congo. It was there that mercenaries rescued nuns who had been kidnapped and defiled. It was also there that they tortured and murdered native Africans with impunity.

It was also in the Congo that the white mercenaries, who often came from countries such as Belgium, France, Rhodesia and South Africa, demonstrated that most predictable trait of this ignoble profession: the primacy of personal profit over notions of idealism and loyalty.

This is a potted history of the shifts in the allegiance of white mercenaries while fighting in the war which engulfed the Congo after Belgium granted it independence in June 1960.

The first mercenaries fought for secessionist Katanga when the policies of the soon to be assassinated Congolese Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba were perceived by the West as an open invitation to the USSR to expand its sphere of influence into central Africa. This was unacceptable to the Western powers during the ideological Cold War. The mercenaries fought to enable the Belgians to retain their influence on their former colony by aiding the attempted secession of the minerally rich Katanga province which was led by Moise Tshombe. Although the recruitment of the mercenaries was reported to be done by shadowy, independent actors, Siegfried Muller, a South Africa-based West German mercenary, whose subsequent notoriety earned him the sobriquet "Kongo" Muller, admitted in the East German-made 1966 film Der lachende Mann – Bekenntnisse eines Mörders that mercenary recruitment was a "NATO operation".

Major Siegfried Muller AKA “Kongo” Muller


When Tshombe became part of the national government, the mercenaries were tasked with fighting against the anti-Mobutu Lumumbist forces and others during the Kwilu Rebellion of 1963 to 1965, and the Simba Rebellion of 1964. Pierre Mulele, a Lumumbist, led the Kwilu rebellion. Both Kwilu and Simba rebellions were an attempt to dislodge the Western-backed central government led by Joseph Kasa-Vabu (who was backed by Mobutu) and create a socialist state.

Belgium, along with the rest of the West, had gravitated towards Mobutu who had taken over most of the Congo, because they saw in him a man who would protect their collective interests. This meant that Tshombe, who as with other Katangan elites, had been encouraged to secede from the Congo, had effectively outlived his usefulness. This state of affairs was underlined by Tshombe’s dismissal by Kasa-Vabu from the cabinet of the central government in 1965.

Mercenaries such as the Belgian Colonel Jean "Black Jack" Schramme were up to this period still fighting on Mobutu's side. He had been personally recruited to fight for the central government by Tshombe but began to have second thoughts because of Mobutu’s misgivings over continual reliance on mercenary staffed units of L'Armée nationale congolaise. Mobutu began disbanding these units and in June 1967, the Frenchman Bob Denard warned Schramme that the last of the units would be imminently dissolved. Things came to a head when Tshombe's plan to return to the Congo from Spanish exile in 1967 was frustrated by an airplane hijack over the Mediterranean and he was incarcerated in Algeria.

Schramme and his men foreswore their allegiance to Mobutu's national army and issued an ultimatum to Mobutu to hand over power to Tshombe by August 20th, 1967. Mobutu himself issued a counter to the mercenaries’ ultimatum by giving them 10 days to surrender or "face spectacular punishment."

Despite their bravado, the mercenaries were by this time already on the verge of defeat, and they made their last stand at Bukavu where they began to be overwhelmed by Mobutu's forces. Many of them planned to flee across the border to Rwanda.

Anticipating this, the Rwandan government issued the following statement in Paris:

"Rwanda will welcome in a humanitarian spirit the black and white refugees coming from the Congo and will close its frontiers to the mercenaries and Katangan troops who have betrayed their people and the incontestable Congolese authority established by General Mobutu."

The mercenaries who fled to Rwanda were held in a camp and forced to sign a pledge not to return to any part of the African continent.

Each man signed and swore to the following statement:

"I solemnly undertake towards the OAU and every individual state in Africa to cease definitely any activity as a mercenary and never to return to Africa or associate myself directly or indirectly in any action harmful to the stability and peace of any independent African state."

While the likes of Schramme abided by the terms of the pledge, it did not end the scourge of mercenary activity on the African continent.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.




Friday, 1 November 2024

The Legacy of the Algerian War (1954-1962)

Photo montage credit: Top by Phillip Jones Griffith and bottom by UIG.

The Algerian War lasted from November 1st, 1954, to March 19th, 1962.

Today marks the 70th anniversary of an anticolonial war, the significance of which cannot be overestimated:

. It was arguably a continuum of the genocidal series of wars undertaken by France between 1830 and 1875.

. It directly led to great military and political upheavals: the military coup led by Brigadier General Jacques Massu brought down the 4th French Republic in 1958 and brought about the return of General Charles de Gaulle to the centre of power as the first President of the 5th Republic. De Gaulle's subsequent "betrayal" of the promise to keep Algeria a part of France ("Algerie Francaise") led to the "Generals Putsch" in Algiers in 1961 and after its failure, the formation of the O.A.S. (Organisation de l'Armee Secrete), the underground movement of French military personnel which sought to assassinate de Gaulle on numerous occasions.

. It formed the backdrop to the theories on counterinsurgency devised by the French military officers Lieutenant Colonel David Galula and Colonel Roger Trinquier.

. It led to the creation of "La Main Rouge" ("The Red Hand"), a covert arm of the state which used terroristic methods to wage war which was arguably a forerunner of the MRF (Military Reaction Force) run by the British Army during the Troubles in Northern Ireland and the FLLF (Front for the Liberation of Lebanon from Foreigners) run by the Northern Command of the Israeli Defence Force in Lebanon during the Lebanese Civil War.

. It formed the background to a body of literature produced by Frantz Fanon who was arguably the most influential anti-colonial thinker of his time.

. It was immortalised in popular culture by the 1966 Gillo Pontecorvo film The Battle of Algiers.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.



Sunday, 20 October 2024

Yoruba voices in Grenada

Map of Grenada (left) and Yoruba artwork titled The Spirit of the Warrior by Twins Seven Seven.

As the beginning of the commentary within the discography “Grenada: Creole and Yoruba Voices” states, Grenadian affairs have rarely come to global media attention save the Maurice Bishop-led New Jewel Movement era of the late 1970s to the early 1980s which culminated in Bishop's violent overthrow and the invasion of American armed forces in October 1983.

I would add that there were episodes during the tenure of Sir Eric Gairy when Grenada gained some measure wide attention.

Anyway, the commentary refers to the Yoruba influence on Grenadian music, music which is far removed from the cabaret style songs of Leslie "Hutch" Hutchinson, the Grenadian-born singer and musician whose global fame was at its peak in the 1920s and 1930s.

This is all very interesting to me because my Mother was born in Grenada and my Father was Yoruba. I have been aware of Yoruba culture in the Atlantic in the southern United States, Brazil, Cuba, Puerto Rico and Trinidad, but not explicitly in the context of Grenada.

Excerpt from GRENADA: CREOLE AND YORUBA TRADITIONS By Kenneth Bilby and Morton Marks: "What sets Grenada off from the other Franco-English islands, though, is the presence of a third language, the ritual Yoruba of the Shango religion, also called African Work.

Grenadian Shango is probably the least known branch of the Yoruba diaspora in the Americas, and these recordings may be the only documentation in existence of its music. During the slave trade, many thousands of Yoruba from the Ijesha kingdom of Nigeria were sent to Brazil and Cuba, where they became known as ijexá and yesá, respectively.

But the Yoruba in Grenada are part of the history of Africans in the post-emancipation Caribbean. In 1849 (eleven years after full emancipation in the British colonies), about one thousand Ijesha Yoruba workers arrived in Grenada, becoming part of the indentured workforce that replaced former slaves who had migrated. The Grenadian Yoruba formed closely knit communities in particular villages, including Munich, Black Bay, Laura, and Rose Hill, and their influence then spread to other parts of the island."

© Adeyinka Makinde

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.



Saturday, 19 October 2024

Between the International Slave Plantation and BRICS

Cartoon captioned “On the International Slave Plantation” on the front page of the Daily Worker, June 27, 1925. (Credit: Robert Minor).

A cartoon drawn by Robert Minor, a political cartoonist who was also a member of the American Communist Party, has been rediscovered by a new generation who have avidly shared it various social media platforms. It portrays three hulking figures representing China, India and Africa who tower over three cowering, horsewhip-wielding figures who represent US, French and British imperialism. A Soviet soldier can also be observed grinning in the background. Considered an incendiary image in its time for inciting hatred against “the white race”, many of those who share the image today are not invoking the original intended goal of international communism liberating oppressed non-whites, and instead are drawing parallels with the developing multi-polar world envisioned by BRICS which seeks to break free from the neocolonial stranglehold held by the West on the conduct of international trade and development.

When the cartoon appeared on the front page of the Black American newspaper The Negro Champion, which dubbed it "The Big Three", Joseph Wise, the Staff Correspondent of the International Labor News Service, referred to it as a "vicious cartoon" and Minor as "the notorious communist cartoonist".

Wise complained that the "entire contents of the publication are designed to arouse race prejudice and antagonism and to array the peoples of China, India and Africa against the white race."

The editor of The Negro Champion, Lovett Fort-Whiteman (1889-1939), was a functionary of the Communist International (Comintern) who was the lead organiser of the American Negro Labor Congress. Fort-Whiteman would die from malnutrition in a Stalinist gulag in 1939 after he was accused of being a Trotskyist.

Victor A. Olander, the secretary-treasurer of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, to whom Wise would refer to in his syndicated article, saw Fort-Whiteman as a Soviet proxy whom he likened to a man "carrying a flaming torch through dry grass." Yet, while Olander criticised the cartoons which appeared in The Negro Champion of ignoring "economic and political issues almost entirely" while making "a direct appeal to racial antagonism", he was ignoring the fact that race lay firmly at the heart of economic relations in the United States, a state of affairs which applied to the globe because the Chinese, Indians and Africans were at the time victims of long-term colonial exploitation of their lands and human resources.

In 1925, China was still in its "Century of Humiliation" which lasted from 1839 to 1949. India was Britain's most prized colony, and most of Africa was ruled by the French, British and Portuguese.

Even after the ostensible process of decolonisation, the Western-run global economic institutions have maintained a grip on the economies of the Global South through the Bretton Woods institutions. The policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have typically indebted nations regardless of whether those policies were encouraging of socialist-orientated development economics or were inspired by neoliberalism.

Former colonial powers also continued to wield economic power in regard to their former vassal states. The economic relations between France and its former colonies, as well as the extractivist rationale for the creation of the European Union in relation to the minerally-rich African continent affirm the racial context of global economic relations.

The quest of the Western world to maintain global economic hegemony is no less the case when it comes to post-Soviet Russia and China.

There has been an enduring project aimed at pressuring Russia to surrender its sovereignty so as to enable the West to have unfettered access to and control of its vast resources, while China’s rise in economic power has caused apprehension on the part of the United States.

A closer examination of the relations between the West and these two powers reveal a racial subtext which few are willing to admit.

In the provocatively titled “Slavs and the Yellow Peril are ‘niggers, brutes and beasts”, in the eyes of the Western Empire”, Jeff J. Brown explained that:

Westerners cannot write about their racial superiority and the perceived subhumaness of non-Westerners, like they were able to do so freely until the 1950s. But it is still manifestly the fundamental principle that drives America’s “exceptionalism” and the West’s “shining beacon on a hill” superiority, thus legitimizing ongoing Western genocide, wars, government overthrows and economic and resource exploitation, through the “benign, invisible hand” of capitalism, across Planet Earth.

This attitude was reflected in the writings of the late Zbigniew Brzeziński, a hugely influential US foreign policy theoretician, who wrote the following in his 1997 book The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and its Geostrategic Imperatives:

To put it in a terminology that harkens back to the more brutal age of ancient empires, the three grand imperatives of imperial geostrategy are to prevent collusion and maintain security dependence among the vassals, to keep tributaries pliant and protected, and to keep the barbarians from coming together.

Japan may once have had the opportunity of breaking away from Western economic domination through its Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, a plan which boldly proclaimed "Asia for the Asiatics". But the extreme cruelty and intense chauvinism that it deployed in its quest to expand its empire alienated its neighbours in east Asia and the Pacific.

Japan’s chief competitor for the allegiance of the countries in this area, the United States, militarily defeated it and incorporated it into its post-war alliance of nations. But the new global hegemon, now involved in an ideological war with the Soviet Union on a global scale inherited the attitudes and methods of its Anglo-Saxon predecessor in enforcing the compliance of states to the dictates of resource control.

An excerpt from an editorial written for the New York Times on August 5th, 1954, the year after “Operation Ajax”, a regime change endeavour in Iran which was orchestrated by the American Central Intelligence Agency with help from the British Secret Intelligence Service, will suffice:

Underdeveloped countries with rich resources now have an object lesson in the heavy cost that must be paid by one of their number which goes berserk with fanatical nationalism.

The coup overthrew the democratically elected government of Prime Minister Mohamed Mossadegh which had nationalised its British-controlled oil industry and replaced him with the pliant Shah who ruled Iran as a dictator. It would, of course not be the last such endeavour where American economic interests were threatened by independent thinking political leaders.

Minor's cartoon may resonate strongly with those who can relate it to the growing Eurasian world and development of BRICS at the heart of which are Russia, China, and India. The developing multipolar world order which is being characterised by the phenomenon of de-dollarisation and various geopolitical confrontations such as Russia withstanding the "shock and awe" sanctions regime imposed on it by the West and the ejecting of France from a number of Sahelian countries, in a sense represent a movement away from the so-called "international slave plantation".

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

General Yakubu Gowon at 90

Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon, Head of the Federal Military Government and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. 

Former Nigerian military leader General Yakubu Gowon is 90 years old today.

Here he is photographed while a Lieutenant Colonel after his assumption of power following the violent overthrow of Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi in July 1966.

Source: Federal Nigeria, 1966.

NB.

Born Yakubu Dan-Yumma Gowon on October 19th, 1934, to a Christian catechist father from the minority Angas group in Nigeria's "Middle Belt", Gowon was educated at Barewa College and trained at the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst from 1955 to 1956.

He emerged as the Head of State in 1966 after the overthrow of Major General Aguiyi-Ironsi and remained leader until his own overthrow in July 1975.

Gowon oversaw the defeat of the secession of Eastern Region of Nigeria in 1967 which was led by Lieutenant Colonel Emeka Ojukwu. The breakaway Republic of Biafra collapsed in January 1970, and Gowon earned plaudits for his efforts at national reconciliation.

Gowon subsequently enrolled on a Political Science degree course at Warwick University and later earned his PhD. His thesis was titled "The Economic Community of West African States: A Study in Political and Economic Integration".

He gained a reputation as a gentleman officer who ruled Nigeria in a relatively benevolent manner. He presided over the oil boom years and although never accused of personal enrichment was seen as lacklustre in tackling Nigeria's bourgeoning culture of corruption. His regime was also responsible for decrees which curbed personal freedoms and justified detention without trial.

While largely considered an upstanding military officer and a devout Christian, some critics have accused Gowon of having foreknowledge of the assassinations of both Major General Aguiyi-Ironsi in July 1966 and General Murtala Muhammed in February 1976. Many on the secessionist side accused Gowon of tolerating human rights abuses against Igbos prior to the secession of the Eastern Region and during the civil war - all of which he has strenuously denied.

Ironically, both Gowon and his arch protagonist Emeka Ojukwu would in 1979 be designated by the Federal Military Government as common criminal suspects wanted by the Nigerian Police. Both men would later be amnestied and Gowon, who had been stripped of his rank of general, would have his rank and benefits restored by the civilian administration led by President Shehu Shagari.

In his later years, Gowon grew into an elder statesman respected both at home and abroad. Among his lasting accomplishments as a military ruler was the creation of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) and the economic alliance of West African states through the establishment of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

While his achievement in preserving Nigeria as a united entity may have dimmed over the decades because of the country's perpetual fractiousness and economic maladies, Gowon arguably deserves the credit for building a coalition within the country which prevented Nigeria's breakup into several hostile polities each of which would have been potentially armed by various world powers.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.



Wednesday, 16 October 2024

General Sir Mike Jackson (1944-2024)

Mike Jackson as a general (top) when he was the Chief of General Staff (CGS), and below as a captain of the Parachute Regiment while he was on duty in Northern Ireland in the early 1970s.

Known to many under his command as "Darth Vadar" and "The Prince of Darkness", General Sir Mike Jackson the British Army officer who rose to the position of the Chief of the General Staff (CGS) has died aged 80.

Jackson's eventful career took him to theatres such as Northern Ireland, Kosovo and Iraq.

Reviled by republican militants during "The Troubles" in Northern Ireland, Jackson is famous for disobeying an order from U.S. General Wesley Clark, the Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR), during the Kosovo War in 1999.

Fearing that Clark's order would result in clashes with Russian peacekeeping troops, the then Lieutenant General Jackson reputedly told Clark:

"Sir, I'm not going to start the Third World War for you".

Clark was later removed from his position by President Bill Clinton.

© Adeyinka Makinde

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Obituaries.

Daily Telegraph – “General Sir Mike Jackson, redoubtable former head of the British Army” – obituary

Financial Times – “General Sir Michael Jackson, 1944-2024: Celebrated British soldier with varied and illustrious military career famed for clash with his Nato commander

Footage.

General Mike Jackson speaking about the role of the MRF, the covert British Army counter-insurgency force, in the BBC Panorama programme titled “Britain’s Secret Terror Force” which was broadcast in November 2013:



Saturday, 5 October 2024

Adeyinka Makinde with Steve Mulindwa at the Satellite Television Launch of Omega TV UK

Posing with Steve Mulindwa, the Ugandan presenter of Omega TV UK's "Africa Speaks", at the Satellite Television Launch held at the Bernie Grant Arts Centre, Tottenham Green, London on Saturday, September 21st, 2024.


Wednesday, 2 October 2024

Mussolini's Eve of War Speech Prior to Fascist Italy's invasion of Ethiopia

War poster of Italian Fascist leader Mussolini (circa 1930). Printer: Cesare Capello.

October 2nd, 1935, Rome, Italy.

"Blackshirts of revolution, men and women of all Italy, Italians all over the world, beyond the mountains, beyond the seas, listen. A solemn hour is about to strike in the history of the country. Twenty million Italians are at this moment gathered in the squares of all Italy. It is the greatest demonstration that human history records. Twenty millions, one heart alone, one will alone, one decision.

This manifestation signIfies that the tie between Italy and fascism is perfect, absolute, unalterable. Only brains softened by puerile illusions, by sheer ignorance, can think differently, because they do not know what exactly is the Fascist Italy of 1935.

For many months the wheel of destiny and of the impulse of our calm determination moves toward the goal. In these last hours the rhythm has increased and nothing can stop it now.

It is not only an army marching towards its goal, but it is forty-four million Italians marching in unity behind this army. Because the blackest of injustices is being attempted against them, that of taking from them their place in the sun. When in 1915 Italy threw in her fate with that of the Allies, how many cries of admiration, how many promises were heard? But after the common victory, which cost Italy six hundred thousand dead, four hundred thousand lost, one million wounded, when peace was being discussed around the table only the crumbs of a rich colonial booty were left for us to pick up. For thirteen years we have been patient while the circle tightened around us at the hands of those who wish to suffocate us.

We have been patient with Ethiopia for forty years. It is enough now.

The League of Nations, instead of recognizing the rights of Italy, dares talk of sanctions, but until there is proof of the contrary, I refuse to believe that the authentic people of France will join in supporting sanctions against Italy. Six hundred thousand dead whose devotion was so heroic that the enemy commander justly admired them—those fallen would now turn in their graves.

And until there is proof to the contrary, I refuse to believe that the authentic people of Britain will want to spill blood and send Europe into a catastrophe for the sake of a barbarian country, unworthy of ranking among civilized nations. Nevertheless, we cannot afford to overlook the possible developments of tomorrow.

To economic sanctions, we shall answer with our discipline, our spirit of sacrifice, our obedience. To military sanctions, we shall answer with military measures. To acts of war, we shall answer with acts of war.

A people worthy of their past and their name cannot and never will take a different stand. Let me repeat, in the most categorical manner, that the sacred pledge which I make at this moment, before all the Italians gathered together today, is that I shall do everything in my power to prevent a colonial conflict from taking on the aspect and weight of a European war.

This conflict may be attractive to certain minds which hope to avenge their disintegrated temples through this new catastrophe. Never, as at this historical hour, have the people of Italy revealed such force of character, and it is against this people to which mankind owes its greatest conquest, this people of heroes, of poets and saints, of navigators, of colonizers, that the world dares threaten sanctions.

Italy! Italy! Entirely and universally Fascist! The Italy of the blackshirt revolution, rise to your feet; let the cry of your determination rise to the skies and reach our soldiers in East Africa. Let it be a comfort to those who are about to fight. Let it be an encouragement to our friends and a warning to our enemies. It is the cry of Italy which goes beyond the mountains and the seas out into the great world. It is the cry of justice and of victory."

Source of Transcript: History Central dot Com.


Sunday, 29 September 2024

Francis Nyangweso: Soldier, Boxer, Sports Administrator

Francis Nyangweso, then a colonel, photographed on Wednesday, February 28th, 1973. Photo credit: Camerapix.

Francis Nyangweso was a talented boxer who was a long-term amateur national and East African Champion. In 1960, he represented Uganda at the Rome Olympics, where he failed to medal. However, he won a bronze medal in the light middleweight division at the Commonwealth Games in Perth in 1962 and a gold at the Hapoel Games in Israel a year earlier.

Trained at Sandhurst Royal Military Academy, Nyangweso rose up the ranks of the Ugandan Army and was appointed the Chairman of the National Council of Sports after Amin seized power in a coup d'etat in January 1971. That year, he was made the acting Brigade Commander of the 1st Infantry Brigade at Masaka before his appointment as Acting Army Commander in 1972.

He later became the Army Chief of Staff and the Minister of Defence. He left the Ugandan Army as a Major General.

After his army career, Nyangweso was involved in sports administration, becoming the president of the Ugandan Olympic Committee and a member of the International Olympic Committee. His hold on the Ugandan Olympic Committee lasted for 29 years after which he was unceremoniously edged out of power. Nyangweso received unwelcome publicity when a BBC investigation revealed that he was one of two African delegates who had been induced to back the 2000 Sydney Games at the expense of Beijing. He was exonerated after an investigation.

He died of complications related to diabetes, an ailment which affected his eyesight.

His life may have had a considerably shorter span.

On October 14th, 1974, Nyangweso was summoned to State House by General Amin who challenged him to a six-round boxing contest. Amin began in aggressive mode and succeeded in cutting Nyangweso who retaliated by knocking Amin off-balance with a right hook. Amin, who was a long-term light heavyweight champion of Uganda, responded with vicious body attacks.

Nyangweso, who had initially thought of the contest as a joke, began to use his footwork, moving and shifting his bodyweight as he angled his shots at Amin. Nyangweso's wife appeared to be gripped with fear as her husband employed his skills to give Amin what witnesses to this extraordinary encounter recall as a thorough beating.

"We thought that was the end of Nyangweso's life, everybody feared for his life," Thomas Kawere, a boxing coach related at Nyangweso's burial.

But instead of earning Nyangweso a death sentence, the contest brought both men closer. Aside from his military appointments, Amin made him the Minister of Culture and Community Development. In fact, he became the de facto President of Uganda for a fortnight in 1975 while Amin was on holiday.

His rise was however halted by the politics of the time. A Christian from the eastern part of Uganda, Nyangweso fell out of favour as Amin increasingly relied on his kinsmen to remain in power. His "fate" was a remarkably soft one as he was handed an ambassadorial post to the Central African Republic.

Nyangweso was, if anything, a survivor.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2020).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England, He is the author of Dick Tiger: The Life and Times of a Boxing Immortal.

Thursday, 19 September 2024

September 19th, 1945: The controversial finding of guilt and sentencing to death of William Joyce whose propaganda broadcasts from Nazi Germany earned him the nickname "Lord Haw Haw"

Photo of William Joyce when he was a member of the British Union of Fascists.

William Joyce, a former member of Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists, had been charged under the ancient English law of ‘Giving aid and comfort to the King’s enemies’. He had also assisted Germany "in her war against our country and our King".

The prosecution argued that he committed the relevant offences between September 19th, 1939 and July 2nd, 1940 when he was in possession of a British passport before he became a naturalised German citizen.

A jury of 10 men and 2 women found him guilty at the Old Bailey.

However, many have argued that he was unjustly convicted in a show trial by a vengeful British establishment.

1. Joyce, who was Irish, had been born in the United States.

2. The British passport which he had applied for and used in the 1930s had been acquired fraudulently.

Joyce was hanged at Wandsworth Prison on January 3rd, 1946. 

He was 39 years old.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.



Sunday, 15 September 2024

The Hanging of Mossad Agent Eli Cohen

The lifeless body of Eli Cohen dangles at Marjeh Square (Martyrs Square) in the Syrian capital Damascus on Tuesday, May 18th, 1965.

About the inscription pinned onto Eli Cohen's execution shroud:

'Colonel Dalli then attached to the white sackcloth shroud a large placard, the invariable last act of a Syrian execution. On it was written, in Arabic script, the sentence of the Military Court. It read:

Eliahu Ben-Shaul Cohen was sentenced to death in the name of the Arab people of Syria, having been found guilty of penetrating into a military sector and communicating secret information to the enemy".'

- "The Final Night”, pp 5-6 Chapter 1 of The Spy From Israel by Ben Dan, published by Vallentine, Mitchell & Co. Ltd, 1969.

Forty-year-old Cohen had posed as a returnee Syrian businessman from Argentina named "Kamel Amin Thaabet". He managed to penetrate the highest echelons of the Syrian political and military establishment, including becoming the Chief Adviser to the Syrian Minister of Defence.

He was caught by Soviet-made tracking equipment which enabled Syrian counterintelligence to locate the source of coded transmissions to Israeli intelligence.

He was tried by a special military tribunal and condemned to death on May 8th, 1965. Pleas for clemency from world leaders were ignored by the Syrian military government who proceeded to hang him at Marjeh Square (Martyrs Square) in Damascus

Efforts by Cohen's family to have his remains repatriated to Israel have so far been unsuccessful.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.