Tuesday, 26 November 2024

ICC Warrant of Arrest Against Binyamin Netanyahu: My Interview On Jahan Emrooz ("Today's World"), A News Programme Broadcast On The Islamic Republic Of Iran News Network

I made an appearance on Iranian TV on Friday, November 22nd speaking about the issue by the International Criminal Court (ICC) of warrants of arrest against Binyamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of Israel, and Yoav Gallant, former Defence Minister of Israel.

Jahan Emrooz ("Today's World") is a live late night news programme broadcast from Tehran on the Islamic Republic Of Iran News Network (IRINN).

The comments of guests are translated into Farsi as the guest is speaking.

Friday, November 22nd, 2024, was Jomeh, Azar 2, 1403 in Iran who use the Solar Hijri calendar dating system.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer and lecturer in law who is based in London, England.

The interview can be viewed at:

Rumble

Friday, 22 November 2024

Rear Admiral Thomas Buchanan’s Statement on Nuclear War Harks Back To The Dark Days Of Herman Kahn’s First Strike Nuclear Doctrine During The Cold War

Rear Admiral Thomas “T.C.” Buchanan (Photo credit: U.S. Navy).

Rear Admiral Thomas Buchanan, the Director of Plans and Policy of the United States Department of Defense’s Strategic Command (STRATCOM), while speaking at the Project Atom 2024 event at the Center for Strategic and International Studies on Wednesday, November 20th, 2024, said that the United States would allow a nuclear exchange if the outcome was on terms that he described as "acceptable" to the country and its interests. This meant, Buchanan continued, that the United States would after such an exchange “continue to lead the world.”

These comments are being seen as dangerous since they imply that a limited nuclear war could be fought and won - a shift from the longstanding understanding that a nuclear exchange between the United States and a nuclear power such as the Soviet Union and its successor Russian state would lead to Mutually Assured Destruction i.e. MAD.

The idea of "winning" a nuclear war despite knowing that many American cities would be incinerated goes back to the time of Herman Kahn, an influential American physicist and military strategist who was prominent in the 1950s and 1960s. Kahn’s “First Strike” doctrine posited that a nuclear war was winnable. His influence penetrated the Pentagon and certain military figures such as Air Force General Curtis LeMay subscribed to his views. A right-wing war hawk, in 1949 LeMay drew up plans to destroy 77 Russian cities in a single day of bombing.

Buchanan’s comments come at a time of increased tension between Russia and the United States. The Russian Federation has redrafted its nuclear doctrine in the light of the decision of the outgoing administration of U.S. President Joe Biden to enable the use by Ukraine of long range ATACMS and Storm Shadow missiles for use against the Russian Federation during its conflict in Ukraine.

There have been calls for U.S. Secretary of State for Defense Lloyd Austin to sack RAdm Buchanan.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Wednesday, 20 November 2024

Profile of Captain Kojo Tsikata (1936-2021)


An alumni of Achimota College and a graduate of Sandhurst Military Academy, Kojo Tsikata was involved in many of the tumultuous events in Ghana's political history: From the Congo to abortive coups and the era of the PNDC government led by Flt. Lt. Jerry Rawlings.

His ideological influences lay in Nkrumaist Pan-Africanism and Socialism. As a young man he had a political relationship with Dr. Kwame Nkrumah who sent him on special missions to the Congo and Angola. In the early 1960s, he served as Nkrumah's military envoy to Patrice Lumumba in the Congo. And in May 1965, Nkrumah sent him to Angola to serve as a military adviser to the nascent MPLA (Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola). He arrived in Cabinda a few weeks before the arrival of the first six Cuban advisers.

He would go on to develop political ties with the likes of Fidel Castro, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi.

But in the later part of the 1960s Tsikata faced obstacles. The military regime which had overthrown Nkrumah in February 1966 would the following year declare him a wanted man. Tsikata was thus forced into exile where he remained until the return of civilian rule under Dr. Kofi Busia.

In the interim period, he was persuaded to attend a meeting in Guinea in November 1968 at which the discussion was about bringing Nkrumah back to power. He arrived in Conakry with plans for removing the Ghanaian junta from power. However, Nkrumah refused to see him because he believed that Tsikata had been involved in a pre-1966 plot to overthrow his Convention People's Party (CPP). Suspecting that he was embarked on an enterprise to assassinate Nkrumah, the Guinean government detained him and threatened to execute him. It is claimed that the Mozambican guerrilla Samora Machel, then a rising commander in FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique), interceded on Tsikata's behalf and Tsikata was expelled from Guinea.

At some point after his return to Ghana from exile, he left for Angola where he served as a military adviser to President Agostinho Neto's MPLA forces under the assumed name of Carlos Silva Gomes. His role in Angola was interrupted by health problems which necessitated travel to the United Kingdom where he received treatment at London's Brompton Hospital for fibrotic pulmonary sarcoidosis i.e. non-malignant but severe growths in the lungs.

On November 29th, 1975, when he was working as the general manager of the Ghana Diamond Marketing Board, Tsikata was arrested and went on trial for his alleged involvement in the "One man, One Machete" coup against the Acheampong government. He was severely tortured and later convicted by a military tribunal which sentenced him to death. The sentence was later commuted. As a prominent Ghanaian newspaper editor told the New York Times in 1976, the Acheampong regime which had previously prosecuted three subversion trials since its coming to power had an unwritten policy: “if you don't spill blood, you won't pay with your blood.”

Tsikata was a key member of the PNDC during which time he served as the National Security Advisor. Tsikata's legacy was severely tarnished by the circumstances surrounding the kidnap and murder of three Ghanaian High Court Judges and a retired Army Officer in 1982.

A Special Investigation Board chaired by a former Chief Justice of Ghana recommended that Tsikata and nine others be prosecuted for the murders. However, the serving Attorney General of Ghana concluded that there had been "insufficient evidence" to prosecute him. Further, the sole witness against Tsikata subsequently withdrew his accusation just before his firing squad execution.

Tsikata died on November 20th, 2021 at the age of 85.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024)

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer who is based in London, England.

Saturday, 16 November 2024

“Ode To The Wind” By Danny and The Counts (1966)


Walk down that glory road
Don't you turn back
All the things you’ve left behind 
Are painted black

And the things you thought were real
Have put you down
La la la la la la
When your body and mind are weak
You'll hear this-
La la la la la la

At the end of each weary day
As the sun goes down
Look to the sky and say:
"Oh Lord, I feel down" 

All the things in life, you see
Cannot be found 
La la la la la la
When your body and mind are weak
You'll hear this-
La la la la la la
La la la la la

All the things in life, you see
Cannot be found 
La la la la la la
When your body and mind are weak
You’ll hear this-
La la la la la la 
La la la la la

Band Members.

Danny Parra – guitar and lead vocals
Javier Valenzuela – lead guitar and vocals
Eric Huereque – bass and vocals
Joe Huereque – drums
Joe Martinez – tambourine and vocals


 

Wednesday, 13 November 2024

A potted history of the shifts in mercenary loyalty in the former Belgian Congo from 1960 to 1967

An early memoir published in 1969 by "Black Jack" Schramme which translates to "The Leopard Battalion: Memories of a White African".

Often referred to as “the world’s second oldest profession”, appraisals of the role of the mercenary often veer from the sort of romanticised fiction portrayed in the 1978 movie The Wild Geese to that of the amoral “soldier of fortune” who profits from the human misery which accompanies war. It is the latter view which has tended prevail so much so that the term “mercenary” has been rebranded in recent decades. Today, they are often politely referred to as “military contractors”.

The activities of mercenaries in Africa’s post-independence civil wars of the second half of the 20th century arguably provided the basis through which the mercenary was defined in the popular imagination. And no where else was the role of the mercenary as hero and brigand more explored than the wars waged in the former Belgian Congo. It was there that mercenaries rescued nuns who had been kidnapped and defiled. It was also there that they tortured and murdered native Africans with impunity.

It was also in the Congo that the white mercenaries, who often came from countries such as Belgium, France, Rhodesia and South Africa, demonstrated that most predictable trait of this ignoble profession: the primacy of personal profit over notions of idealism and loyalty.

This is a potted history of the shifts in the allegiance of white mercenaries while fighting in the war which engulfed the Congo after Belgium granted it independence in June 1960.

The first mercenaries fought for secessionist Katanga when the policies of the soon to be assassinated Congolese Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba were perceived by the West as an open invitation to the USSR to expand its sphere of influence into central Africa. This was unacceptable to the Western powers during the ideological Cold War. The mercenaries fought to enable the Belgians to retain their influence on their former colony by aiding the attempted secession of the minerally rich Katanga province which was led by Moise Tshombe. Although the recruitment of the mercenaries was reported to be done by shadowy, independent actors, Siegfried Muller, a South Africa-based West German mercenary, whose subsequent notoriety earned him the sobriquet "Kongo" Muller, admitted in the East German-made 1966 film Der lachende Mann – Bekenntnisse eines Mörders that mercenary recruitment was a "NATO operation".

Major Siegfried Muller AKA “Kongo” Muller


When Tshombe became part of the national government, the mercenaries were tasked with fighting against the anti-Mobutu Lumumbist forces and others during the Kwilu Rebellion of 1963 to 1965, and the Simba Rebellion of 1964. Pierre Mulele, a Lumumbist, led the Kwilu rebellion. Both Kwilu and Simba rebellions were an attempt to dislodge the Western-backed central government led by Joseph Kasa-Vabu (who was backed by Mobutu) and create a socialist state.

Belgium, along with the rest of the West, had gravitated towards Mobutu who had taken over most of the Congo, because they saw in him a man who would protect their collective interests. This meant that Tshombe, who as with other Katangan elites, had been encouraged to secede from the Congo, had effectively outlived his usefulness. This state of affairs was underlined by Tshombe’s dismissal by Kasa-Vabu from the cabinet of the central government in 1965.

Mercenaries such as the Belgian Colonel Jean "Black Jack" Schramme were up to this period still fighting on Mobutu's side. He had been personally recruited to fight for the central government by Tshombe but began to have second thoughts because of Mobutu’s misgivings over continual reliance on mercenary staffed units of L'Armée nationale congolaise. Mobutu began disbanding these units and in June 1967, the Frenchman Bob Denard warned Schramme that the last of the units would be imminently dissolved. Things came to a head when Tshombe's plan to return to the Congo from Spanish exile in 1967 was frustrated by an airplane hijack over the Mediterranean and he was incarcerated in Algeria.

Schramme and his men foreswore their allegiance to Mobutu's national army and issued an ultimatum to Mobutu to hand over power to Tshombe by August 20th, 1967. Mobutu himself issued a counter to the mercenaries’ ultimatum by giving them 10 days to surrender or "face spectacular punishment."

Despite their bravado, the mercenaries were by this time already on the verge of defeat, and they made their last stand at Bukavu where they began to be overwhelmed by Mobutu's forces. Many of them planned to flee across the border to Rwanda.

Anticipating this, the Rwandan government issued the following statement in Paris:

"Rwanda will welcome in a humanitarian spirit the black and white refugees coming from the Congo and will close its frontiers to the mercenaries and Katangan troops who have betrayed their people and the incontestable Congolese authority established by General Mobutu."

The mercenaries who fled to Rwanda were held in a camp and forced to sign a pledge not to return to any part of the African continent.

Each man signed and swore to the following statement:

"I solemnly undertake towards the OAU and every individual state in Africa to cease definitely any activity as a mercenary and never to return to Africa or associate myself directly or indirectly in any action harmful to the stability and peace of any independent African state."

While the likes of Schramme abided by the terms of the pledge, it did not end the scourge of mercenary activity on the African continent.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.




Friday, 1 November 2024

The Legacy of the Algerian War (1954-1962)

Photo montage credit: Top by Phillip Jones Griffith and bottom by UIG.

The Algerian War lasted from November 1st, 1954, to March 19th, 1962.

Today marks the 70th anniversary of an anticolonial war, the significance of which cannot be overestimated:

. It was arguably a continuum of the genocidal series of wars undertaken by France between 1830 and 1875.

. It directly led to great military and political upheavals: the military coup led by Brigadier General Jacques Massu brought down the 4th French Republic in 1958 and brought about the return of General Charles de Gaulle to the centre of power as the first President of the 5th Republic. De Gaulle's subsequent "betrayal" of the promise to keep Algeria a part of France ("Algerie Francaise") led to the "Generals Putsch" in Algiers in 1961 and after its failure, the formation of the O.A.S. (Organisation de l'Armee Secrete), the underground movement of French military personnel which sought to assassinate de Gaulle on numerous occasions.

. It formed the backdrop to the theories on counterinsurgency devised by the French military officers Lieutenant Colonel David Galula and Colonel Roger Trinquier.

. It led to the creation of "La Main Rouge" ("The Red Hand"), a covert arm of the state which used terroristic methods to wage war which was arguably a forerunner of the MRF (Military Reaction Force) run by the British Army during the Troubles in Northern Ireland and the FLLF (Front for the Liberation of Lebanon from Foreigners) run by the Northern Command of the Israeli Defence Force in Lebanon during the Lebanese Civil War.

. It formed the background to a body of literature produced by Frantz Fanon who was arguably the most influential anti-colonial thinker of his time.

. It was immortalised in popular culture by the 1966 Gillo Pontecorvo film The Battle of Algiers.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.