Yoruba voices in Grenada

Map of Grenada (left) and Yoruba artwork titled The Spirit of the Warrior by Twins Seven Seven.

As the beginning of the commentary within the discography “Grenada: Creole and Yoruba Voices” states, Grenadian affairs have rarely come to global media attention save the Maurice Bishop-led New Jewel Movement era of the late 1970s to the early 1980s which culminated in Bishop's violent overthrow and the invasion of American armed forces in October 1983.

I would add that there were episodes during the tenure of Sir Eric Gairy when Grenada gained some measure wide attention.

Anyway, the commentary refers to the Yoruba influence on Grenadian music, music which is far removed from the cabaret style songs of Leslie "Hutch" Hutchinson, the Grenadian-born singer and musician whose global fame was at its peak in the 1920s and 1930s.

This is all very interesting to me because my Mother was born in Grenada and my Father was Yoruba. I have been aware of Yoruba culture in the Atlantic in the southern United States, Brazil, Cuba, Puerto Rico and Trinidad, but not explicitly in the context of Grenada.

Excerpt from GRENADA: CREOLE AND YORUBA TRADITIONS By Kenneth Bilby and Morton Marks: "What sets Grenada off from the other Franco-English islands, though, is the presence of a third language, the ritual Yoruba of the Shango religion, also called African Work.

Grenadian Shango is probably the least known branch of the Yoruba diaspora in the Americas, and these recordings may be the only documentation in existence of its music. During the slave trade, many thousands of Yoruba from the Ijesha kingdom of Nigeria were sent to Brazil and Cuba, where they became known as ijexá and yesá, respectively.

But the Yoruba in Grenada are part of the history of Africans in the post-emancipation Caribbean. In 1849 (eleven years after full emancipation in the British colonies), about one thousand Ijesha Yoruba workers arrived in Grenada, becoming part of the indentured workforce that replaced former slaves who had migrated. The Grenadian Yoruba formed closely knit communities in particular villages, including Munich, Black Bay, Laura, and Rose Hill, and their influence then spread to other parts of the island."

© Adeyinka Makinde

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Between the International Slave Plantation and BRICS

Cartoon captioned “On the International Slave Plantation” on the front page of the Daily Worker, June 27, 1925. (Credit: Robert Minor).

A cartoon drawn by Robert Minor, a political cartoonist who was also a member of the American Communist Party, has been rediscovered by a new generation who have avidly shared it various social media platforms. It portrays three hulking figures representing China, India and Africa who tower over three cowering, horsewhip-wielding figures who represent US, French and British imperialism. A Soviet soldier can also be observed grinning in the background. Considered an incendiary image in its time for inciting hatred against “the white race”, many of those who share the image today are not invoking the original intended goal of international communism liberating oppressed non-whites, and instead are drawing parallels with the developing multi-polar world envisioned by BRICS which seeks to break free from the neocolonial stranglehold held by the West on the conduct of international trade and development.

When the cartoon appeared on the front page of the Black American newspaper The Negro Champion, which dubbed it "The Big Three", Joseph Wise, the Staff Correspondent of the International Labor News Service, referred to it as a "vicious cartoon" and Minor as "the notorious communist cartoonist".

Wise complained that the "entire contents of the publication are designed to arouse race prejudice and antagonism and to array the peoples of China, India and Africa against the white race."

The editor of The Negro Champion, Lovett Fort-Whiteman (1889-1939), was a functionary of the Communist International (Comintern) who was the lead organiser of the American Negro Labor Congress. Fort-Whiteman would die from malnutrition in a Stalinist gulag in 1939 after he was accused of being a Trotskyist.

Victor A. Olander, the secretary-treasurer of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, to whom Wise would refer to in his syndicated article, saw Fort-Whiteman as a Soviet proxy whom he likened to a man "carrying a flaming torch through dry grass." Yet, while Olander criticised the cartoons which appeared in The Negro Champion of ignoring "economic and political issues almost entirely" while making "a direct appeal to racial antagonism", he was ignoring the fact that race lay firmly at the heart of economic relations in the United States, a state of affairs which applied to the globe because the Chinese, Indians and Africans were at the time victims of long-term colonial exploitation of their lands and human resources.

In 1925, China was still in its "Century of Humiliation" which lasted from 1839 to 1949. India was Britain's most prized colony, and most of Africa was ruled by the French, British and Portuguese.

Even after the ostensible process of decolonisation, the Western-run global economic institutions have maintained a grip on the economies of the Global South through the Bretton Woods institutions. The policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have typically indebted nations regardless of whether those policies were encouraging of socialist-orientated development economics or were inspired by neoliberalism.

Former colonial powers also continued to wield economic power in regard to their former vassal states. The economic relations between France and its former colonies, as well as the extractivist rationale for the creation of the European Union in relation to the minerally-rich African continent affirm the racial context of global economic relations.

The quest of the Western world to maintain global economic hegemony is no less the case when it comes to post-Soviet Russia and China.

There has been an enduring project aimed at pressuring Russia to surrender its sovereignty so as to enable to West to have unfettered access to and control of its vast resources, while China’s rise in economic power has caused apprehension on the part of the United States.

A closer examination of the relations between the West and these two powers reveal a racial subtext which few are willing to admit.

In the provocatively titled “Slavs and the Yellow Peril are ‘niggers, brutes and beasts”, in the eyes of the Western Empire”, Jeff J. Brown explained that:

Westerners cannot write about their racial superiority and the perceived subhumaness of non-Westerners, like they were able to do so freely until the 1950s. But it is still manifestly the fundamental principle that drives America’s “exceptionalism” and the West’s “shining beacon on a hill” superiority, thus legitimizing ongoing Western genocide, wars, government overthrows and economic and resource exploitation, through the “benign, invisible hand” of capitalism, across Planet Earth.

This attitude was reflected in the writings of the late Zbigniew Brzeziński, a hugely influential US foreign policy theoretician, who wrote the following in his 1997 book The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and its Geostrategic Imperatives:

To put it in a terminology that harkens back to the more brutal age of ancient empires, the three grand imperatives of imperial geostrategy are to prevent collusion and maintain security dependence among the vassals, to keep tributaries pliant and protected, and to keep the barbarians from coming together.

Japan may once have had the opportunity of breaking away from Western economic domination through its Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, a plan which boldly proclaimed "Asia for the Asiatics". But the extreme cruelty and intense chauvinism that it deployed in its quest to expand its empire alienated its neighbours in east Asia and the Pacific.

Japan’s chief competitor for the allegiance of the countries in this area, the United States, militarily defeated it and incorporated it into its post-war alliance of nations. But the new global hegemon, now involved in an ideological war with the Soviet Union on a global scale inherited the attitudes and methods of its Anglo-Saxon predecessor in enforcing the compliance of states to the dictates of resource control.

An excerpt from an editorial written for the New York Times on August 5^th, 1954, the year after “Operation Ajax”, a regime change endeavour in Iran which was orchestrated by the American Central Intelligence Agency with help from the British Secret Intelligence Service, will suffice:

Underdeveloped countries with rich resources now have an object lesson in the heavy cost that must be paid by one of their number which goes berserk with fanatical nationalism.

The coup overthrew the democratically elected government of Prime Minister Mohamed Mossadegh which had nationalised its British-controlled oil industry and replaced him with the pliant Shah who ruled Iran as a dictator. It would, of course not be the last such endeavour where American economic interests were threatened by independent thinking political leaders.

Minor's cartoon may resonate strongly with those who can relate it to the growing Eurasian world and development of BRICS at the heart of which are Russia, China, and India. The developing multipolar world order which is being characterised by the phenomenon of de-dollarisation and various geopolitical confrontations such as Russia withstanding the "shock and awe" sanctions regime imposed on it by the West and the ejecting of France from a number of Sahelian countries, in a sense represent a movement away from the so-called "international slave plantation".

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

General Yakubu Gowon at 90

Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon, Head of the Federal Military Government and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. 

Former Nigerian military leader General Yakubu Gowon is 90 years old today.

Here he is photographed while a Lieutenant Colonel after his assumption of power following the violent overthrow of Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi in July 1966.

Source: Federal Nigeria, 1966.

NB.

Born Yakubu Dan-Yumma Gowon on October 19th, 1934, to a Christian catechist father from the minority Angas group in Nigeria's "Middle Belt", Gowon was educated at Barewa College and trained at the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst from 1955 to 1956.

He emerged as the Head of State in 1966 after the overthrow of Major General Aguiyi-Ironsi and remained leader until his own overthrow in July 1975.

Gowon oversaw the defeat of the secession of Eastern Region of Nigeria in 1967 which was led by Lieutenant Colonel Emeka Ojukwu. The breakaway Republic of Biafra collapsed in January 1970, and Gowon earned plaudits for his efforts at national reconciliation.

Gowon subsequently enrolled on a Political Science degree course at Warwick University and later earned his PhD. His thesis was titled "The Economic Community of West African States: A Study in Political and Economic Integration".

He gained a reputation as a gentleman officer who ruled Nigeria in a relatively benevolent manner. He presided over the oil boom years and although never accused of personal enrichment was seen as lacklustre in tackling Nigeria's bourgeoning culture of corruption. His regime was also responsible for decrees which curbed personal freedoms and justified detention without trial.

While largely considered an upstanding military officer and a devout Christian, some critics have accused Gowon of having foreknowledge of the assassinations of both Major General Aguiyi-Ironsi in July 1966 and General Murtala Muhammed in February 1976. Many on the secessionist side accused Gowon of tolerating human rights abuses against Igbos prior to the secession of the Eastern Region and during the civil war - all of which he has strenuously denied.

Ironically, both Gowon and his arch protagonist Emeka Ojukwu would in 1979 be designated by the Federal Military Government as common criminal suspects wanted by the Nigerian Police. Both men would later be amnestied and Gowon, who had been stripped of his rank of general, would have his rank and benefits restored by the civilian administration led by President Shehu Shagari.

In his later years, Gowon grew into an elder statesman respected both at home and abroad. Among his lasting accomplishments as a military ruler was the creation of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) and the economic alliance of West African states through the establishment of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

While his achievement in preserving Nigeria as a united entity may have dimmed over the decades because of the country's perpetual fractiousness and economic maladies, Gowon arguably deserves the credit for building a coalition within the country which prevented Nigeria's breakup into several hostile polities each of which would have been potentially armed by various world powers.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2024).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

General Sir Mike Jackson (1944-2024)

Mike Jackson as a general (top) when he was the Chief of General Staff (CGS), and below as a captain of the Parachute Regiment while he was on duty in Northern Ireland in the early 1970s.

Known to many under his command as "Darth Vadar" and "The Prince of Darkness", General Sir Mike Jackson the British Army officer who rose to the position of the Chief of the General Staff (CGS) has died aged 80.

Jackson's eventful career took him to theatres such as Northern Ireland, Kosovo and Iraq.

Reviled by republican militants during "The Troubles" in Northern Ireland, Jackson is famous for disobeying an order from U.S. General Wesley Clark, the Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR), during the Kosovo War in 1999.

Fearing that Clark's order would result in clashes with Russian peacekeeping troops, the then Lieutenant General Jackson reputedly told Clark:

"Sir, I'm not going to start the Third World War for you".

Clark was later removed from his position by President Bill Clinton.

© Adeyinka Makinde

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Obituaries.

Daily Telegraph – “General Sir Mike Jackson, redoubtable former head of the British Army” – obituary”

Financial Times – “General Sir Michael Jackson, 1944-2024: Celebrated British soldier with varied and illustrious military career famed for clash with his Nato commander”

Footage.

General Mike Jackson speaking about the role of the MRF, the covert British Army counter-insurgency force, in the BBC Panorama programme titled “Britain’s Secret Terror Force” which was broadcast in November 2013:

Adeyinka Makinde with Steve Mulindwa at the Satellite Television Launch of Omega TV UK

Posing with Steve Mulindwa, the Ugandan presenter of Omega TV UK's "Africa Speaks", at the Satellite Television Launch held at the Bernie Grant Arts Centre, Tottenham Green, London on Saturday, September 21st, 2024.

Mussolini's Eve of War Speech Prior to Fascist Italy's invasion of Ethiopia

War poster of Italian Fascist leader Mussolini (circa 1930). Printer: Cesare Capello.

October 2nd, 1935, Rome, Italy.

"Blackshirts of revolution, men and women of all Italy, Italians all over the world, beyond the mountains, beyond the seas, listen. A solemn hour is about to strike in the history of the country. Twenty million Italians are at this moment gathered in the squares of all Italy. It is the greatest demonstration that human history records. Twenty millions, one heart alone, one will alone, one decision.

This manifestation signIfies that the tie between Italy and fascism is perfect, absolute, unalterable. Only brains softened by puerile illusions, by sheer ignorance, can think differently, because they do not know what exactly is the Fascist Italy of 1935.

For many months the wheel of destiny and of the impulse of our calm determination moves toward the goal. In these last hours the rhythm has increased and nothing can stop it now.

It is not only an army marching towards its goal, but it is forty-four million Italians marching in unity behind this army. Because the blackest of injustices is being attempted against them, that of taking from them their place in the sun. When in 1915 Italy threw in her fate with that of the Allies, how many cries of admiration, how many promises were heard? But after the common victory, which cost Italy six hundred thousand dead, four hundred thousand lost, one million wounded, when peace was being discussed around the table only the crumbs of a rich colonial booty were left for us to pick up. For thirteen years we have been patient while the circle tightened around us at the hands of those who wish to suffocate us.

We have been patient with Ethiopia for forty years. It is enough now.

The League of Nations, instead of recognizing the rights of Italy, dares talk of sanctions, but until there is proof of the contrary, I refuse to believe that the authentic people of France will join in supporting sanctions against Italy. Six hundred thousand dead whose devotion was so heroic that the enemy commander justly admired them—those fallen would now turn in their graves.

And until there is proof to the contrary, I refuse to believe that the authentic people of Britain will want to spill blood and send Europe into a catastrophe for the sake of a barbarian country, unworthy of ranking among civilized nations. Nevertheless, we cannot afford to overlook the possible developments of tomorrow.

To economic sanctions, we shall answer with our discipline, our spirit of sacrifice, our obedience. To military sanctions, we shall answer with military measures. To acts of war, we shall answer with acts of war.

A people worthy of their past and their name cannot and never will take a different stand. Let me repeat, in the most categorical manner, that the sacred pledge which I make at this moment, before all the Italians gathered together today, is that I shall do everything in my power to prevent a colonial conflict from taking on the aspect and weight of a European war.

This conflict may be attractive to certain minds which hope to avenge their disintegrated temples through this new catastrophe. Never, as at this historical hour, have the people of Italy revealed such force of character, and it is against this people to which mankind owes its greatest conquest, this people of heroes, of poets and saints, of navigators, of colonizers, that the world dares threaten sanctions.

Italy! Italy! Entirely and universally Fascist! The Italy of the blackshirt revolution, rise to your feet; let the cry of your determination rise to the skies and reach our soldiers in East Africa. Let it be a comfort to those who are about to fight. Let it be an encouragement to our friends and a warning to our enemies. It is the cry of Italy which goes beyond the mountains and the seas out into the great world. It is the cry of justice and of victory."

Source of Transcript: History Central dot Com.

Francis Nyangweso: Soldier, Boxer, Sports Administrator

Francis Nyangweso, then a colonel, photographed on Wednesday, February 28^th, 1973. Photo credit: Camerapix.

Francis Nyangweso was a talented boxer who was a long-term amateur national and East African Champion. In 1960, he represented Uganda at the Rome Olympics, where he failed to medal. However, he won a bronze medal in the light middleweight division at the Commonwealth Games in Perth in 1962 and a gold at the Hapoel Games in Israel a year earlier.

Trained at Sandhurst Royal Military Academy, Nyangweso rose up the ranks of the Ugandan Army and was appointed the Chairman of the National Council of Sports after Amin seized power in a coup d'etat in January 1971. That year, he was made the acting Brigade Commander of the 1st Infantry Brigade at Masaka before his appointment as Acting Army Commander in 1972.

He later became the Army Chief of Staff and the Minister of Defence. He left the Ugandan Army as a Major General.

After his army career, Nyangweso was involved in sports administration, becoming the president of the Ugandan Olympic Committee and a member of the International Olympic Committee. His hold on the Ugandan Olympic Committee lasted for 29 years after which he was unceremoniously edged out of power. Nyangweso received unwelcome publicity when a BBC investigation revealed that he was one of two African delegates who had been induced to back the 2000 Sydney Games at the expense of Beijing. He was exonerated after an investigation.

He died of complications related to diabetes, an ailment which affected his eyesight.

His life may have had a considerably shorter span.

On October 14th, 1974, Nyangweso was summoned to State House by General Amin who challenged him to a six-round boxing contest. Amin began in aggressive mode and succeeded in cutting Nyangweso who retaliated by knocking Amin off-balance with a right hook. Amin, who was a long-term light heavyweight champion of Uganda, responded with vicious body attacks.

Nyangweso, who had initially thought of the contest as a joke, began to use his footwork, moving and shifting his bodyweight as he angled his shots at Amin. Nyangweso's wife appeared to be gripped with fear as her husband employed his skills to give Amin what witnesses to this extraordinary encounter recall as a thorough beating.

"We thought that was the end of Nyangweso's life, everybody feared for his life," Thomas Kawere, a boxing coach related at Nyangweso's burial.

But instead of earning Nyangweso a death sentence, the contest brought both men closer. Aside from his military appointments, Amin made him the Minister of Culture and Community Development. In fact, he became the de facto President of Uganda for a fortnight in 1975 while Amin was on holiday.

His rise was however halted by the politics of the time. A Christian from the eastern part of Uganda, Nyangweso fell out of favour as Amin increasingly relied on his kinsmen to remain in power. His "fate" was a remarkably soft one as he was handed an ambassadorial post to the Central African Republic.

Nyangweso was, if anything, a survivor.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2020).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England, He is the author of Dick Tiger: The Life and Times of a Boxing Immortal.