Thursday 22 September 2022

Life is Just a Bowl of Cherries

Image Credit: SababaJJ (iStock)

Life is just a bowl of cherries

Don't take it serious

Life's too mysterious

You work, you save, you worry so

But you can't take your dough

When you go, go, go

Keep repeating, it's the berries

The strongest oak must fall

The best things in life to you were just loaned

So how can you lose what you never owned

Life is just a bowl of cherries

So live and laugh at it all

Keep repeating, it's the berries

You know the strongest oak has got to fall

The sweet things in life to you were just loaned

So how can you lose what you never owned

Life is just a bowl of cherries

So live it, love it, wriggle your ears

And think nothing of it, you can't do without it

There's no two ways about it

You live and you laugh at it all

Lyricists: Lew Brown & Ray Henderson.

Sunday 18 September 2022

The Mukden Incident: Roots of Japanese Expansionism and the Asian Prelude to World War 2

Baron Giichi Tanaka. (Scan from The American Century: People, Power and Politics - An Illustrated History, Chapter on Japanese Imperialism 1931-1938, page 266).

September 18th, 1931, 10:20 PM.

An explosion of 42 charges of dynamite on a railroad ceded by China first to Russia and then to Japan caused the Imperial Japanese Army to begin seizing key positions in South Manchuria because of the "provocation" committed by Chinese Nationalist forces.

But the incident at Mukden was not the work of Chinese Nationalists. The explosion was caused by an agent of the intelligence service of the Japanese Army.

This incident, as would be the case 8 years later at the border between Nazi Germany and Poland (the Gleiwitz Incident), was a "False Flag" operation.

The Mukden Incident can be seen as part of the Asian prelude to World War 2 (the Sino-Japanese War of 1937 being the second part), just as the German invasion of Poland was the European prelude, and Mussolini's invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 was the African prelude.

Japanese imperial expansion, which had already begun at the time of the annexation of Korea in 1910, would come to be fuelled by expansionist ideologies held by officers within the Japanese military. These ultranationalists were influenced by theorists such as Ikki Kita and Okawa Shumei.

One example was the formation in 1921 of the Futaba-kai (or "Double Leaf Society") by three young Japanese military intelligence officers in a Turkish bath in Baden-Baden, Germany. They were Major Tetsuzan Nagata, Major Yasuji Okamura and Major Toshishiro Obata. In concert with Lieutenant Colonel Hideki Tojo, who as a General would become the war time Prime Minister, they aimed to secure power at home and extend the empire by conspiracy, assassination, and war.

The Futaba-kai and a counterpart association of officers named the Mokuyo-kai (or “Thursday Society”), which was headed by Lieutenant Colonel Teiichi Suzuki, merged in 1929 to form a new informal association of army officers named the Isseki-kai (or “One Evening Society”). At a meeting of the Mokuya-kai the previous year, Lieutenant Colonel Kanij Ishiwara, who would be one of the masterminds of the Mukden Incident, spoke of his “Final World War Theory,” which would involve a decisive conflict with the United States of America.

During the era of "Government by Assassination" in the 1930s, the Japanese military was divided between two competing ideological factions: the Kodo-ha and the Tosei-ha. Both factions had the same goal of expanding Japanese power abroad but differed as to the means of attaining this.

The Kodo-ha (or “Imperial Way” faction) aimed to overthrow what they claimed were the "evil" politicians and techocrats who were influencing government policy. To them, Japan had deviated from the Kokutai or national polity, a metaphysical expression representing the perfect relationship between the Emperor, his People, and the State. The Emperor would be restored to power and a totalitarian, nationalist system would replace what they considered as a corrupt capitalist system.

Officers of the Kodo-ha were behind the Niniroku Jiken (or "February 26th Incident"), a failed military coup which ended the influence of the group, and which also ended the era of “Government by Assassination”.

Another key influence on Japan's military expansion was the role played by Baron Giichi Tanaka (1864-1929), an army officer and politician who dreamed of a Japanese empire extending to Siberia and China. Tanaka policies while Foreign Minister such as Man-Mō bunri seisaku ("separation of Manchuria and Inner Mongolia policy") which aimed to balkanise China, created the conditions for future Japanese expansion in the Far East. For instance, between 1927 and 1928 he blocked the efforts of Marshal Chiang Kai-Shek (the Chinese nationalist general) to unify China by sending Japanese troops to Shandong Province on three separate occasions.

Tanaka was claimed to have been the author of the Tanaka Jōsōbun (or Tanaka Memorial) in 1927. This was a strategic document created for Emperor Hirohito which contained detailed plans for Japanese conquest.

Most scholars dispute its authenticity - even though much of what it contained did come to pass. 

© Adeyinka Makinde (2022).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Wednesday 14 September 2022

Forthcoming Annual London Boxing Memorabilia Fayre

I'll be bookselling next month on Saturday, October 8th 2022 at the Boxing Memorabilia Fayre in Camden, North London.

Chas and Kymberly Taylor's event, the only of its type in England, will have many stalls selling a wide range of boxing memorabilia including books, programmes, photographs, magazines, signed boxing gloves, t-shirts, robes, paintings, prints, brick-a-brack and more.

The details are as follows:

Boxing Memorabilia Fayre, Dick Collins Hall, Robert Street, London NW1 3FB.

1:30PM to 5:30PM

There will be free parking and a licensed bar & snacks.

Admission £2.

Sunday 11 September 2022

"When the Levee Breaks": An Interpretation by Ensemble Cast of International Musicians

Terrifically engineered multi-artist re-working of Led Zeppelin's "When the Levee Breaks" which features John Paul Jones.

It has a line-up which includes Sikiru Adepoju, a renowned exponent of the Yoruba talking drums.

The classic song which appeared in the fourth untitled album of Led Zeppelin was a reworking of a song by Memphis Minnie.

The re-worked version was made under the auspices of the Playing For Change organisation.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2022).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Felix Dzerzhinsky

A communist era Polish exhibition poster celebrating the centenary of the birth of Felix Dzerzhinsky

“We stand for organized terror - this should be frankly admitted. Terror is an absolute necessity during times of revolution. Our aim is to fight against the enemies of the Soviet Government and of the new order of life. We judge quickly. In most cases only a day passes between the apprehension of the criminal and his sentence. When confronted with evidence, criminals in almost every case confess; and what argument can have greater weight than a criminal's own confession?”

- Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky

Felix Dzerzhinsky (1877-1926) is a significant figure in Russian, Communist and global history because he was the architect of the internal and foreign security apparatus of state which enabled the Bolshevik regime to survive after it seized power in 1917.

This ensured that the first Socialist-Communist state would play an influential part in shaping global history during the 20th Century.

Dzerzhinsky orchestrated "Operation TRUST", the CHEKA-run phantom anti-Bolshevik organisation which lured both Boris Savinkov and Sidney Reilley, the "Ace of Spies", to their deaths.

The TRUST deceived a good many White Russians into handing over money (much needed foreign cash reserves) to the Bolshevik regime.

Dzerzhinsky also played a vital role in check-mating the "Lockhart Plot", the British secret service intrigue which aimed to overthrow the Bolsheviks.

While Dzerzhinsky’s legacy is clouded by his full embrace of the totalitarian methods of state repression, he remains a figure revered by die-hard communists and even wider by those who credit him with saving the lives and bloodlines of thousands through the system of orphanages which he founded after the Russian Civil War.

Of aristocratic Polish ancestry, Dzerzhinsky was born in the town of Dzerzhinovo. He was the founder of the CHEKA and the OGPU, organisations through which later security organisations such as the NKVD, KGB and the modern FSB trace their lineage.

Dzerzhinsky died from a heart attack at the age of 48 on July 20th 1926, and was buried two days later at the Kremlin Wall Necropolis, Moscow.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2022)

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Saturday 10 September 2022

Rethinking the Legacy of Ahmed Sekou Toure of Guinea

Ahmed Sekou Touré

Generations of Africans will continue to laud Guinea-Conakry’s first president Ahmed Sekou Toure for his defiant rejection of the flagrantly neo-colonial arrangement that was behind Francafrique. Rejecting President Charles de Gaulle’s paternalistic offer to France’s former colonies, Toure’s cry that Guinea would prefer freedom in poverty to "riches in slavery" still resonates. But during Toure’s 26-year period in power, “freedom”, as well as substantive economic development in Guinea remained an illusion. This all the more pitiful given the privations and widespread repression his nation had to endure. While Toure continues to receive the adulation of many for his commitment to Pan-Africanism, his support for liberation movements, as well as his attempts at decolonising the education system and freeing his people from the pervasive mental subjugation to French culture experienced by Francophone Africa, his legacy is clouded by the method of his rule which came to be underwritten by managerial incompetence, the fostering of a cult of personality and a brutal mission aimed at maintaining power for power’s sake.

A former trade union leader, Ahmed Sekou Toure, who claimed lineage from the legendary Mandinka warrior Samori Toure, challenged French rule in 1953 by leading a successful strike against the colonial authorities in French West Africa. His organising abilities allied to his oratorical skills provided the basis for his entry into politics and he was twice elected as a representative to the French National Assembly. He was barred from taking his seat on both occasions, but after winning a resounding majority to become mayor of Conakry in 1955, he was allowed to take a place in the assembly.

Toure guided the decision of the Guinean people to reject the option of Guinea being co-opted into the federation community led by France, choosing instead the path of independence which was achieved on October 2nd, 1958. The French reacted by withdrawing civil servants and professionals, as well as by dismantling transportable equipment.

Toure sought to overcome this act of sabotage by seeking help from a wide circle of nations. These included members of the communist bloc and Western countries. An injection of $10 million from Kwame Nkrumah-led Ghana also helped.

Along with Nkrumah, Modibo Keita of Mali, Gamal Nasser of Egypt, and King Mohammed V of Morocco, Toure formed the Casablanca Bloc, that group of African nations which sought a faster pace of political and economic integration among newly independent African states than those who comprised the Monrovia Bloc.

Apart from this, Toure participated in an attempt at fostering regional economic cooperation, and along with Nkrumah and Keita of Mali, sought to create a socialist bloc in West Africa, which at one time appeared to include Ahmed Ben Bella of Algeria.

Alongside Ben Bella and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Toure gave a home to African liberation movements. He provided valuable assistance primarily to the African Party for the Independence of Guiné and Cabo Verde (PAIGC), the guerrilla movement led by Amilcar Cabral which successfully overthrew Portuguese rule in Guinea-Bissau. But this extended to offering facilities to figures of the anti-Portuguese struggle in Angola such as Holden Roberto, leader of the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and Lucio Lara and Iko Carreira of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA).

He also provided a home in exile for his old ally Nkrumah.

Like Nkrumah, Toure’s skills as an orator were matched by his abilities as a writer. He was adept at articulating the condition of Africa and the problems it faced in forging a place in the post-colonial world. His paper titled “Africa’s Future and the World” which appeared in the October 1962 edition of Foreign Affairs, published by the Council on Foreign Relations provides is a good example of his flair for words and his cogency in putting across his points in regard to Africa’s underdevelopment, the discriminatory effect of the pricing of raw materials and the adoption by African states of “neutralism”.

However, the early idealism and progressive aspirations of Toure would become submerged in a system of rule that came to be characterised by mismanagement and cruel repression. The roots of this malaise are easy to fathom but are hard to justify.

Toure was constantly burdened by the question of national and personal security. He saw his allies overthrown by successful military coups: Nkrumah in 1966, Keita in 1968 and Ben Bella in 1965. The early attempts by the French government aimed at sabotaging his economy included a covert action designed to flood the Guinean economy with fake currency after Toure had created a central bank and new currency. Operation Persil, which was planned by Jacques Foccart and implemented by the SDECE, the French foreign intelligence service, ultimately failed.

For Toure, added to the threat from France was that of Portugal whose colonial interests were threatened by his support for anti-Portuguese insurgencies in west and southern Africa. “Operation Green Sea”, an amphibious assault on Conakry by Portuguese naval forces in November 1970, sought to capture Cabral, free Portuguese PoWs and create circumstance conducive for an armed insurrection.

Toure survived, but his actions in response to the invasion began to show a pattern of governance which began to be blurred by paranoiac purges of individuals, many of them almost certainly blameless of the accusation of collaboration with external forces or of having ambitions to overthrow him. This was the case with the apprehensions and executions of many serving and former government ministers and civil servants with whom Toure had either fallen out or otherwise did not trust.

Prior to “Operation Green Sea” in March 1969, Toure’s security machine had convinced itself of a plot of the army based on an overheard conversation between two paratroopers. It resulted in the arrests of Colonel Kaman Diaby, the Deputy Chief of Army Staff, and Fodeba Keita, the Secretary of State for Defence who were accused of being part of a French-backed plot to overthrow Toure’s government.

Toure later told a meeting that Diaby's home had been full of arms and ammunition and that when he was seized, he had been about to flee the country. He also claimed that the house contained a marshal's uniform and a "Proclamation of the Second Republic".

Both men were shot to death on May 27th, 1969, after having to dig their own graves.

The charges are widely believed to have been false and both Diaby and his superior, Colonel Keita Noumandian, Chief of General Staff who was arrested in 1970 and executed in 1971, have been formally rehabilitated by the National Recovery and Development Committee (CNRD).

Guineans had little reason to believe in the veracity of the “confessions” of supposed fifth columnists arrested by Toure’s security network in the aftermath of “Operation Green Sea.” Each confession contained common elements regardless of whether the prisoner had been supposedly recruited by the American, French or West German secret services. They were always recruited into spy networks, were paid astronomical stipends, and ended up naming and denouncing their “collaborators.”

Corroboration that these were stage-managed, fictitious enterprises were confirmed by letters which managed to be smuggled out of the detention centres at which the victims were held.

The contrivance of many of the arrests carried out by Toure’s security men, the theatre of the consequent show trials conducted by revolutionary tribunals and the macabre ways in which victims were tortured and put to death were present in the manner in which Toure dealt with his most famous victim, the diplomat Diallo Telli.

Telli was a long-term Secretary General of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) who prior to that had served as Guinea's ambassador to the United Nations. He was murdered at the notorious Camp Boiro in Conakry in 1977. The cause of death was the 'Black Diet': starvation through the withdrawal of food and water.

An ethnic Fulani, Telli was a victim of a second wave of anti-Fulani purges mounted by Toure.

By this time, the modus operandi for engineering these liquidations had been well established. In her paper titled "Guinea's Political Prisoners: Colonial Models, Postcolonial Innovation" which was published in Comparative Studies in Society and History (October 2012, Vol. 54, No. 4, pp. 890-913), Mairi S. MacDonald drew on the recollections of Alpha-Abdoulaye Diallo, a prominent victim who had been Minister of State for Youth and Tourism:

First Toure himself would suggest an arrest. Before moving against an individual, the regime's seers would perform a set of occult rituals to paralyse the target and “kill" his or her will.

Leaving nothing to chance, the regime would pursue a more prosaic form of paralysis. Even as one member of an extended family was being arrested, another would be promoted to sap the group's cohesion and its ability to act.

Once arrested the prisoner would be held in solitary confinement without food or water for several days—the diete noire—then invited to sign a confession. If the prisoner did not sign, he or she would be sent to the cabinet technique and subjected to a variety of tortures, including the application of electrical current to the body. Torture sessions would be interspersed with further opportunities to confess.

The confession itself took the form of a statement prepared for each in and presented to him or her by the commission of inquiry, usually in the person of Ismael Toure. The prisoner was often pressured to elaborate on the prepared confession by denouncing a specified number of additional people. Once the prisoner agreed to sign, he or she would be recorded reading the confession. The recording would then be broadcast on the Voice of the Revolution (Radio Conakry), and the cycle would begin again with the newly named victims.

There is something to be said of the argument that underdeveloped nations such as Guinea and other African states can only achieve a rapid and assured transformation of their societies into industrialised, self-sufficient entities by the regimentation of their people under strong leadership which facilitates a centrally planned course of economic development.

And in protecting the nation from threats of foreign interference of the sort Toure contended with, it would not be unreasonable for such a leadership to substitute an open society for a closed one. This was the decision made in the mid-1950s by the exiled Fidel Castro and Che Guevara who resolved to pursue the latter if they ever achieved power in Cuba. Both men had observed the way the foreign intelligence service of the United States had overthrown the governments of Iran and Guatemala. The manipulation of the media for instance played a huge part in setting up the deposing respectively of Mohamed Mossadegh and Jacobo Arbenz.

However, in the case of Toure’s Guinea, the brand of coercion and surveillance did not enhance the development of the nation. They only created the conditions for poor management of the nation’s human and material resources. This was reflected in the failure of many important projects pertaining to industrial and rural development in the 1960s and 1970s.

Writing in May 1984 soon after the death of Toure and the coming to power of a military regime, Jonathan C. Randal of the Washington Post in “Letter From Guinea” wrote:

What is striking is how little of Sekou Toure’s reign remains. He created everything on paper, but little actually functioned.

While Toure’s antipathy towards France was understandable, the decisions made in regard to educating the Guinean youth through a Mao-inspired Cultural Revolution which sought a rapid Africanisation of the education system proved to be a disaster.

Radical education reform began soon after the French evacuation from the country after independence was granted in 1958. In 1959, Decree Number 49 issued by the Ministère de l'Education Nationale (National Ministry for Education) set out a new ethnocentric policy of radical Africanization. However, the discarding of the French pedagogical model was later acknowledged to have come at a great cost: 20 years later, Guinea lagged behind every other Francophone African nation.

As Randal explained:

The only schoolbooks were volumes of Toure’s theoretical writings and declarations-laced with the jargon of socialism and pan-Africanism which students studied eight hours a week to the detriment of French, once the country’s lingua franca, and other subjects. More than a generation of students was churned out neither literate nor numerate, unemployable in any but the lowest jobs and a potential pool of political discontents. In any event only 32 percent of primary school-age children -and 16 percent of secondary school-age children-attended classes, far fewer than in neighbouring Ivory-Coast, Liberia, or Sierra Leone. Those who did graduate were rewarded with high-sounding titles. For example, more than 12,000 “agricultural engineers” graduated from special polytechnic schools, all but 2,000 of them hopelessly incompetent, according to education specialists.

Teachers also benefited from “degree inflation,” with primary school teacher, promoted to secondary school teacher and the latter given university posts, while grade schoolteachers were recruited from among the new semi-literates from what is now known as the “lost generations.”

Toure’s failure to provide a solid foundation in educating the people undermined any pretence that he was embarked on a great enterprise aimed at substantively transforming his nation into a socialist triumph of modernity. From Toure, there was never any serious attempt to set out and act upon a credible decades-long plan of development that would mechanise agriculture and plant the seedlings of heavy industry. His absorption with maintaining his power and institutionalising a state of permanent conspiracy obliterated any ambition to embark on a Soviet model of development which would have enabled his minerally rich nation to build an industrial base.

As a result he left no lasting achievement from which Guineans could benefit. The calamity that he bequeathed to future Guineans in the form of several generations of uneducated and undereducated, puts a lie to the claim of his most vociferous adherents that he brought free education and free healthcare to the masses. As previously mentioned, the number of Guineans who had a primary and secondary school education were far less than those of neighbouring countries, and much of this had to do with parents withdrawing their children not only because of the extremely poor standards of the system, but because of the inordinate time dedicated to tedious and unproductive indoctrination.

A system of rule predicated on loyalty to Toure rather than on competence and the resultant dysfunctional administrative capacities which accompanied the descent into ever growing poverty led to a sizeable proportion of the population emigrating to other countries. Ultimately, it meant that Guinea was unable to develop economically, politically, and socially.

Thus, the positive aspects of Sekou Toure in defying colonialism at home and within the African continent cannot be allowed to overshadow his fundamental failings as a leader and a nation-builder. For to do so is to abrogate the truism of learning from the mistakes of the past.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2022).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Thursday 1 September 2022

The Hawaii Clipper: Mystery, Tragedy and The U.S.-Japan Pacific Rivalry

Right: Watson Choy the San Francisco-born Jersey City-based Chinese-American entrepreneur who was taking $3 million dollars worth of gold certificates to the Chinese Nationalist Army, and left: The Saturday, July 30, 1938, edition of the New York Daily News hints at the possibility of sabotage.

The disappearance of the Hawaii Clipper, a Pan American-operated seaplane in July 1938 is a mystery-tragedy set against the backdrop of the geopolitical rivalry between the United States of America and the Empire of Japan which was centred on the expansive Pacific Ocean region.

On July 29th, 1938, the "Hawaii Clipper", a PanAm-operated seaplane disappeared between Guam and Manilla, Philippines, just over half-way through a 9,000-mile journey from Alameda, California to Hong Kong.

A large-scale air and sea search of an area where an oil slick was discovered was launched by the United States army and naval forces but was unsuccessful. The clipper was not found landed safely in the ocean as was hoped. Nor was any wreckage found. Later analysis of the sample oil found in the area of search was attributed to bilge water from a ship.

The last message from the Clipper which was sent as it navigated through the typhoon cradle of the Pacific Ocean informed air control in California about having problems with rain static.

The cause of the crash which claimed fifteen people could thus be put down to severe weather. The flight captain was also claimed by some to have been a poor pilot whose lack of professionalism negatively impacted on the crews he commanded.

However, the tragedy of the Clipper has been surrounded by a mystery which accommodates two potent and interconnecting conspiracy theories:

1. The revelation that Wah Sun Choy (Watson Choy), a Jersey City-based Chinese-American entrepreneur was carrying $3 Million in gold certificates (worth approximately $50 million today) to China which he intended to give to the Kuomintang Party of the Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-Shek invited the theory that the plane may have been the victim of a hijacking perpetrated by Japan.

Apart from Choy, the presence of two other passengers who may have been construed as having an anti-Japanese agenda fuelled this theory. Edward E. Wyman was the vice president of export sales for the Curtiss-Wright Corporation which wanted to sell fighter aircraft to the Kuomintang, while Major Howard C. French, commander of the 321st Observation Squadron, was on his way to monitor the Japanese bombing of Canton.

One version is that Japanese agents armed with revolvers stowed away in the baggage compartment of the Clipper emerged later to stage the first skyjacking in history. Another story has the Clipper being forced to land at sea by an intercepting Japanese military seaplane.

In both scenarios, all the passengers were taken to a Japanese controlled island and executed. The bodies of the victims are claimed to have been buried on an atoll in the central Pacific. The supposed hijackers are often identified as service personnel of the Imperial Japanese Navy.

2. The disappearance without trace of the Clipper occurred one year after the equally mysterious disappearance of the famed aviatrix Amelia Earhart. This has invited a theory that the money being carried by Watson Choy was a ransom paid by the United States government to secure the release of Earhart who subsequently lived out the remainder of her life in New Jersey under the alias of “Irene Bolam”.

In the absence of concrete evidence through documentation and DNA analysis, both theories cannot be said to have a basis in fact. But while the second theory involving Earhart appears even more fanciful than the first one, the subtext that Amelia Earhart was using a portion of the Pacific segment of her circumnavigation of the globe to spy on Japanese installations on the express wishes of President Franklin Roosevelt does not at all sound far-fetched.

It is important to note that the clash between the expanding empire of Japan and the rising power of the United States over economic and military hegemony in the Pacific was one which both nations had been preparing for since at least the 1920s.

It is not beyond the realms of possibility that Earhart was on a spying mission:

. Kermit Roosevelt sr. (the son of President Theodore Roosevelt and father to Kermit Jr. the CIA Middle East Station chief who orchestrated the overthrow of Mohamed Mossadegh of Iran) provided useful intelligence data related to Japan to the authorities during leisure trips on his yacht when sailing in the Pacific.

. In 1931, the U.S. government authorised the aviator Charles A. Lindbergh to be sent as a spy to the west shore of Hudson Bay to investigate the possibility of using seaplanes for warfare, as well as to seek out points of low resistance as potential bridgeheads.

It is possible that the Japanese military may have shot down the plane she and her navigator Fred Noonan were flying in if they used a flight path near security sensitive Japanese areas.

However, no evidence from Japanese records exists of an order being given to shoot down her plane or to execute Earhart and Noonan as has been alleged.

The loss without trace of small planes in the vast expanse of the Pacific is not an exceptional phenomenon. And unless the sea gives up the dead or evidence that the passengers on the Clipper and Earhart & Noonan were executed and buried on one of the Pacific islands, both losses may be concluded to have arisen from crashes enabled by the forces of nature, of mechanical failure or of pilot error.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2022)

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Further reading:

Hawaii Clipper | 29 July 1938, 04:11 GCT | This Day in Aviation

Vanished!: What Happened to the Hawaii Clipper? | HistoryNet