Saturday, 17 October 2015

Reviews of 'JERSEY BOY: The Life and Mob Slaying of Frankie DePaula' at amazon dot com


Title – Five Stars

"Excellent."
- Mr. M. Dawson (March, 2015)

Title – Four Stars

“A must read for any former Jersey Cityite."
- Lenny (September 28, 2015)

Title – Five Stars

"Great story." 
- George (September 15, 2015)

Title – Great for Boxing and True Crime Fans

"Frankie DePaula was a club fighter with a world's champion's power in his punch. The book traces his rise and fall and all the wise guys he befriended and angered during his career. Everyone who knew him said there was two sides to the man, but the darker side caused his 'mandatory retirement'. A very god read and I would recommend it to boxing and crime fans." 
- John in NYC (March 13, 2015)

Title - Talent Wasted

"I knew Frank a little bit when he trained in Chatham Township, N.J. I always wonder what happened to his family. Thanks to the book I now know. I thought that the writer did a great job.”
- John McMahon (March 8, 2015)

Title - This is One of the Best Books I Have Read about a Fighter

"This is one of the best books I have read about a fighter. A story of a man with great talent who got hooked up with the wrong people."
- Dennis Vespi (March 5, 2015)

Title - Coulda Been A Contender

"Mesmerizing and fascinating"
- Frank Randall (October 14, 2014)

Title - A Boxer from Bufano's Gym

"I can't remember enjoying a book more than this one. It's definitely film-worthy. But the author was a bit melodramatic and hyperbolic in describing DePaula's fistic abilities. Nevertheless, his research regarding DePaula's convoluted life, and the tawdry environment which spawned him, transported me back to Jersey City--a dirty and dark place from which I am happy to have escaped."
- Peter Wood (September 20, 2014)

Title - Jersey Boy, The Life and Mob Slaying of Frankie DePaula

"Fascinating true story! This should be made into a movie". 
- Theresa Russo Steiner (July 21, 2013)

Title – Nice Mix

"This is a well-written book mixing my two favourite topics to read about- Boxing and the Mafia. This book paints a vivid and truthful image of the condition of boxing and its connection with the Mafia at the time. DePaula was an average fighter but his story is exceptional." 
- Mark Easter (March 27, 2013)

Title – Good Read!

"Very well-written and informative." 
- Ruger4 (January 27, 2013)

Title – Good Read

"Good book about local Jersey fighter, Frankie DePaula. Well-written...and should be interesting for any avid boxing fan who might be interested in a deeper perspective from a lost era of boxing." 
- T. Murphy (January 8, 2011)

Title – Great Story

"I can state that this is a highly readable tale."
- Michael A. Coluccio (September 20, 2010)

Title – Well Worth Reading

"The author tells it like it was -that DePaula was an above-average club fighter who drew people and had the right connections. Anyone who was around boxing in those days or has any knowledge of what the sport was like in the 1960s and early 1970s should read this book. It's worth every penny." 
- J. Russell Peltz (August 18, 2010)

Title – Great Book

"This is a deeply enjoyable book on a fighter perhaps now forgotten. The breath of the research and the style of writing create a 'sensitive' and touching portrait of tough and mean Frankie DePaula. The writer obviously cared about the subject and writes as if he cared deeply to tell the story of DePaula. Congratulations Mr. Makinde: wonderful book." 
- S. Selsavage (August 17, 2010)

Title – By Professional Boxing Referee Ron Lipton

"The exquisite and infinite painstaking research on this topic is something to be admired...Tremendous job and a must read for anyone not just boxing fans." 
- Ron Lipton (July 11, 2010)

Reviews of 'DICK TIGER: The Life and Times of a Boxing Immortal' at amazon dot com


Title – Five Stars

"A great read about a truly great fighter”
- Thomas James Jenkinson (July 17, 2015)

Title – Five Stars

"Great book."
- Postieman (July 4, 2015)

Title - Great Black History Book

“This Book was a journey from Africa to the United States with battles and victories. Dick Tiger never quit he kept fighting and pulling himself up from the rough fight that life dealt him. This book would make a great movie. We can all learn the lesson of staying tough in hard times. You will overcome challenges with discipline and persistence.”
- Gerard McGrellis (April 7, 2009)

Title - Excellent Look at a Champion

“The book is a good read. Gives the life of Tiger very well”
- Peter (June 18, 2008)

Title - A Great Book

"I have been reading boxing books for over twenty years and Adeyinka Makinde has written one of the best I have ever read. Dick Tiger was one of the greatest Middleweights of the modern era and this book is a fitting tribute to him.

Adeyinka Makinde has done a great job of packing the book full of well researched information on Tiger and the times he fought in.

A must read for any true Boxing fan."
- P. Jones, Leicester, UK (August 16, 2006)

Title - Enlightening

"A comprehensive biography of Richard "Dick Tiger" Ihetu, two-time undisputed world middleweight champion and one-time undisputed light heavyweight champion. He was a humble man from humble beginnings in Nigeria, who went from Liverpool's boxing booths to New York City's Madison Square Garden. Makinde delves into Dick Tiger's life and explains the most intricate situations that allow us to know one of the greatest fighters of all times-a real history lesson."
- Cheryl Robinson (April 26, 2006)

Title - Highest Quality Saga Of One Of The Ring's Great Warriors

"One of the best stories I have ever read...it makes the most interesting and historical reading for anyone of any age...One of the most complete researched books I have ever read, they should make it into a movie...Great job by Adeyinka Makinde."
- Brett Lipton (August 11, 2005)

Title - Dick Tiger Revisited

"Fine biography! Not much was really known about Tiger until this book was published. Even I, a long-time boxing aficionado, was unaware of many of the things in this work. Excellent!"
- Robert C. Scudder (August 6, 2005)

Wednesday, 14 October 2015

COMMENTARY – About Benghazi and US Congressman Trey Gowdy


A certain US Congressman by the name of Trey Gowdy recently invited the American media to ask questions about the Benghazi incident which led to the death of the United States ambassador to Libya, J. Christopher Stevens back in 2012. Gowdy is apparently Donald Trump's choice for US Attorney General if Trump becomes the president of the United States.

That the ‘Benghazi Incident’ is the subject of a state cover up is not in doubt.

My guess is that the late ambassador Stevens was involved in liaising with the Islamist militants NATO aided in overthrowing the regime of Colonel Muamer Gaddafi.

The term "militants", of course, refers to al-Qaeda sympathetic groups such as the now disbanded Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG). The British Special Forces regiment, the SAS, were instrumental in training them and coordinated their advances when French and other NATO jets bombarded Gaddafi's forces.

Benghazi was the route through which these fighters and weaponry were transferred to Turkey en route to the next theatre for NATO destabilisation: the Ba'athist government of Bashar al Assad in Syria.

The murky matter of "stand down" orders and the other strange events leading to the disaster may have involved competing factions within the intelligence agencies of the United States.

Some talk about a "Mormon Faction" within the US National Security apparatus springing an 'October Surprise' aimed at simultaneously embarrassing the incumbent Barack Obama and bolstering the electoral prospects of his rival Mitt Romney.

Whatever the truth of that, it would appear that the subsequent fall from grace of retired US Army General David Petraeus, who was then the head of the CIA, was tied into this political infighting.

But the pith of the thesis of a transaction gone wrong in regard to weapons and fighters being transported from Benghazi to Syria will likely be vindicated when the truth is finally revealed.

It is worth noting for the benefit of the "Obama-is-a-Muslim" hating crowd that the United States has had a longstanding relationship with the Muslim Brotherhood dating back to the Eisenhower years and continuing up to the support given during the tenure of Ronald Reagan to the Afghan Mujahedeen -many of them foreign Islamist mercenaries including a young Osama bin Laden- against the Soviet occupation.

The administration of George W. Bush also re-orientated its Middle East strategy in the mid-2000s to bolster support for Sunni Islamist groups (read: al Qaeda) against Shia forces in Lebanon (Hezbollah), Syria and Iran.

These groups of course metastasized into the Jamaat al Nusra brigade and the Islamic State fanatics of present day infamy.

One final point.

Speaking of suspected massive covers ups, stand downs, traitorous decision-making and so on, I wonder if Congressman Trey Gowdy would be minded to invite the press to ask what the true story was behind the destruction of the USS Liberty back in June of 1967?

After all, the pursuit of truth and justice should go beyond the narrow confines of party political point-scoring.

(c) Adeyinka Makinde (2015)


Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Saturday, 10 October 2015

Annual Boxing Memorabilia Fayre (2015)

Once again there was a great spirit of conviviality amidst the gathering of boxing aficionados and collectors at Chas Taylor’s Annual Boxing Memorabilia Fayre held at the Dick Collins Hall in Camden.

I enjoyed signing copies of my biographies on Frankie DePaula and Dick Tiger in between chatting to fellow stall holders and attendees – some of whom I’ve known for over a decade through the Fayre.




Etching of world heavyweight contenders Gerry Cooney and Chuck Wepner

Chuck Wepner lost to Muhammad Ali in world heavyweight championship bout staged in Ohio by Don King in 1975.  He lost to Sonny Liston in a non-title bout at Jersey City’s Armory in 1970.

Here’s an interesting anecdote related to the Ali fight as told by Chuck himself.

Chuck speaking to his wife in the morning on the day of his fight with Muhammad Ali:

Honey, wear this negligee tonight cus you’re gonna be sleepin’ with da heavyweight champion of the world.

Wife speaking to a bloodied and battered Chuck after the fight:

Do I go to his room or will he be comin’ to mine now?

Gerry Cooney lost to Larry Holmes in a gruelling contest in 1981. He later suffered devastating losses to Michael Spinks and George Foreman. His most famous victory occurred when he ruthlessly stopped Ken Norton within a single round.

A nice guy who does a great deal for former fighters who are in need. I have never met him but he interviewed me on Siruis XM back in September 2010 when I was in the United States promoting my book JERSEY BOY: The Life and Mob Slaying of Frankie DePaula.

 Dempsey and the Wild Bull: The Four Minute Fight of the Century’ authored by John Jarrett

I wasted no time in snapping this book about the amazing brawl between the ‘Manassa Mauler’ and the ‘Wild Bull of the Pampas': Jack Dempsey, the American world’s heavyweight champion against Angel Luis Firpo, the challenger from Argentina at New York’s Polo Grounds in 1923.

Hands of Stone: The Life and Legend of Roberto Duran’ authored by Christian Guidice

It’s taken a while but I finally got a copy of the biography regarded as the definitive one of Roberto Duran: ‘Manos de Piedra’.

 ‘Boxing’ authored by A.J. Newton

A diagram on page 53 of this book written by 'Professor' Andrew J. Newton probably indicates to one and all that the 'shoulder roll' may not have been invented by Mr. Floyd Mayweather Jr. Newton was an amateur boxing champion in the late 19th Century and certainly an Englishman of his times if his introductory exposition of the value of boxing is anything to go by:

The idea of self-defence is natural to most men. As a race, the British in particular have bred into the very bone of the mind independent, and hence on occasion, pugilistic determination. To them self-defence instinctively implies a use of the fists – boxing. A native of southern Europe in excitement or dispute flies to his knife or dagger. A wild westerner grips his six-shooter, but the Britisher, wherever you may find him, is handy with his fists in an emergency.

Jack Johnson-Jim Jeffries

I got this fine piece of art reproduced on fine material on the first bout dubbed ‘Fight of the Century’.

 Clockwise from top Left: Dick Tiger, Davey Moore, Carl Olson, Wallace Smith, Sandy Saddler and Sugar Ray Robinson

I got three of these faces wrong at first sight. The portrait of Davey Moore looks a great deal like the ‘Cincinnati Cobra’, Ezzard Charles. I mistook Carl ‘Bobo’ Olsen for Carlos Ortiz (whom I met at the Fayre back in 1998). Finally, I should be forgiven for mistaking the visage of the not well-remembered Wallace ‘Bud’ Smith for Ike Williams.

 Jose Torres

This is a signed photograph of the late Jose Torres, boxing’s renaissance man, at the time that he was inducted into the International Boxing Hall of Fame in Canastota, New York back in 1997.

I had interviewed him via trans-Atlantic telephone in the 1990s as part of my research into the life and career of Dick Tiger. He would later be part of the talking heads interviewed in the BBC World Service radio documentary on Tiger which was broadcast in 2006.

But I did meet him at the 1998 Fayre when he along with Emile Griffith, and Carlos Ortiz came to London on a fundraising mission under the auspices of New York’s ‘Ring 8’ boxing veterans association.

A very pleasant and open man who took the trouble to try to get me into a boxing dinner later that evening for free. Howie Albert, Emile Griffith’s manager, however would have none of that. But it’s the thought that counts. 

I recall buying a number of boxing magazines one of which had a story on him. I got him to sign it on the page next to a picture of him. However, he became so immersed in reading it that I did not ask for it back!

Torres was a world champion pugilist turned writer. He authored one of the most highly regarded biographies on Muhammad Ali, was involved in local politics, was a boxing commissioner of New York State and the president of a world boxing organising body.

I have written an essay about his life and career for the forthcoming Cambridge Companion to Boxing which I hope will finally see the light of day next year.

From left to right: Alexis Arguello, Henry Cooper and Denis Healy (PHOTO: UPI)

It is rather fitting that I should discover a photograph of political bruiser Denis Healy, who died last week, in a pugilist’s pose with the great Nicaraguan world champion Alexis Arguello.  Former British heavyweight champion, Henry Cooper acts as the “referee”. All were pictured at London’s Hilton Hotel for a Variety Club of Great Britain tribute lunch for Cooper.

It will be back next year on the 15th of October. Same venue, same time.

(c) Adeyinka Makinde (2015)

Wednesday, 23 September 2015

A Short History of British Military Coups and Conspiracies – Excerpt from my essay “Democracy, Terrorism and the Secret State” (2013)

Colonel Thomas Pride’s Purge of Parliament in 1648

The comments in a recent edition of the Sunday Times attributed to a serving British army general contained the not so veiled threat of mounting a military rebellion in the event of a Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour government getting close to exercising the levers of power. The anonymous general painted a scenario which would involve “mass resignations” by high level officers in the British armed forces in what he claimed would “effectively be a mutiny.”

Although a source for the Ministry of Defence sought to dampen the remarks by issuing a condemnation of the comments, they have caused much alarm.

The comments come in the midst of a concerted media campaign aimed at discrediting the leader and proposed policies of the Labour opposition party. While there is some room for treating words expressed anonymously with some caution, events in the recent political history of Britain suggest that they should not be readily dismissed.

There is much evidence that elements within the British military and the security services have acted against serving governments which the Establishment have viewed as threatening the interests of the United Kingdom as they perceive it. Targeted were the Labour administrations headed by Harold Wilson in the 1960s and 1970s. Threats of coups and efforts geared towards destabilising Wilson’s government have been credibly corroborated over the years.

It was also reported that Tony Benn, the late Labour figure whose Left wing positions inspired great revulsion on the British political Right was threatened with assassination in the event of his ever assuming the leadership of an elected Labour government. The source of that threat is said to have emanated from the late Airey Neave, an Establishment figure in the Conservative Party who was well-connected to the British military and the security services.

Those who are aware of the manner in which state intelligence organisations can feed information to the public for the purpose of creating alarm as well as carving out what the powers that be perceive to be a threat to the well-being of society, may conclude that recent media activity seeking to discredit Labour’s lurch to the Left culminating with the threat of a military rebellion, bear the unmistakable hallmark of the implementation of a ‘strategy of tension.’

This is an excerpt from a wide-ranging essay that I wrote in early 2013 entitled ‘Democracy, Terrorism and the Secret State’ covering plots which were engineered by the military and security services.

In Britain the ‘secret state’ was active during this era of the communist threat, reaching the stage where at two distinctive points in history, the possibility of a military takeover of the country became mooted and later heightened to the extent that plans for action were substantively laid out.

Both coups were to have been directed against the socialist administrations led by Harold Wilson, the first plot occurring in the late 1960s and the second, a culmination of intrigues perpetrated by Right-wing operatives in British military intelligence and the domestic security service, MI5.

The latter part of the 1960s witnessed certain events and trends which caused certain members of the British elite to be alarmed at the direction in which the former imperial power was heading.

One key event was the devaluation of the pound in 1967, a symptom of the continuing perceived ‘degradation’ of a waning nation-empire still traumatised by the humiliation of the Suez debacle of 1956.

Another was the deteriorating situation in Northern Ireland, where the bourgeoning civil rights movement of the Roman Catholic community was being transformed into a militarised struggle led by a revived Irish Republican Army (IRA).

There was also the perception of Wilson and the Labour Party being tolerant of the ‘Ban the Bomb’ movement and a drift towards a policy of unilateral nuclear disarmament. Furthermore, fears about the increasing power of trade unions and controversies related to the uneasiness felt about non-white immigration may have added to the sense of a nation in perpetual crisis.

In 1968, meetings were held at the instigation of the newspaper baron and M15 agent, Cecil King who took the lead in an enterprise which proposed that the army would depose the elected government and install a military alternative with Lord Louis Mountbatten at the helm.

Wilson’s electoral victory in 1964 signified a lurch to the Left, a direction in which elements in the United States government looked upon balefully. The CIA’s ‘spy-hunter’, James Jesus Angleton, believed that Wilson was a Soviet-plant. The thesis went along the lines that Wilson had been compromised years before by Soviet agents when as chairman of the Board of Trade, he made several trips behind the ‘Iron Curtain’.

What is more is that the sudden death in January 1963 of Labour leader Hugh Gaitskell, came to be believed by Angleton and some in the British intelligence community to have been engineered by the KGB in order to pave the way for Wilson to succeed him as the leader of the party.

Gaitskell was on the Right of the Labour Party, and he had proposed the then radical measure of ditching Clause Four of the party’s constitution on common ownership. Wilson, on the other hand, was identified with the Left-wing of the party.

What followed was a dirty-tricks campaign mounted by British intelligence operatives. Code-named ‘Operation Clockwork Orange’, its remit was to smear a number of British politicians including not only Wilson, but significantly, Wilson’s political rival from the Conservative Party, Edward Heath.

Heath’s brand of ‘One Nation’ Toryism and perceived weakness in his handling of the increasingly belligerent trade unions did not meet with the approval of members of the Establishment who wanted a more Right-wing leader and agenda from the Conservatives.

This sort of thing was not without precedent in British political history. The infamous ‘Zinoviev Letter’, a 1924 forgery which came by way of an asset of MI6, was purportedly a communication from Grigori Zinoviev, the president of the Comintern, enjoining British communists to stimulate “agitation-propaganda” in the armed forces.

Thus, four days before the British General Election, the Daily Mail had as its banner headline the following: “Civil War Plot by Socialists’ Masters: Moscow Orders To Our Reds; Great Plot Disclosed.”

The Labour Party lost the election by a landslide.

The early part of the 1970s, a period which on the European continent was marked by an intensification of the ideological polarisation of the political Left and Right with malcontents on the Left favouring the use of urban violence in place of the ‘ineffectual’ results of mass street demonstrations, saw the birth in Britain of an organisation calling itself the Angry Brigade.

The Angry Brigade, an anarchist group, temporarily provided Britain with a taste of continental-style guerrilla warfare which involved targeting figures of the state such as government ministers and judges as well as the bombing of foreign embassies and establishments of those states which its members considered as ‘imperialist’ or ‘fascist’.

The “law and order issue” became the short-handed appellation of choice in referring to the battles between the radicalised forces of the Left and the apparatus of state authority which permeated the political and cultural discourse.

The question of how these deep-rooted tensions were going to be resolved were framed in terms ranging from a revolution which would profoundly alter the status quo to that involving the state preserving its authority through the implementing of  extreme measures.

The sentiments representing one version of a possible resolution to society’s discordant drift, namely one providing the template of the ‘strategy of tension’, even made its way into the public eye through the realm of popular entertainment.

In 1971, the ITV network aired an episode of the TV series, ‘The Persuaders!’’ entitled ‘The Time and The Place’ wherein the playboy heroes stumble upon a plot to carry out a coup d’etat by members of the British establishment which is being co-ordinated by a member of the aristocracy.

The idea is to have the prime minister assassinated during a live TV debate on a contentious law and order bill, which according to its opponents and proponents represents either a “death to democracy” or a “return to sanity”.

The assassin, who appears to be a subdued and detached figure nestled in the audience, is to be activated Manchurian Candidate-style with a gun hidden in the compartment of what on the outside is a book. The murder would then present itself as the justification for a takeover of the government and the imposition of martial law.

As one of the foot soldiers of the eventually failed conspiracy explains, “the public will be outraged, and when Croxley (the Lord leading the coup) makes an impassioned plea for strong action, the people of this country will not only approve of a new government, they’ll demand it.”

The aforementioned fiction from early evening light entertainment nonetheless did reference one consistent aspect of the prevalent understanding among the mass of Britons about the nature of their governance: namely its alluding to the existence of the Establishment; a group of powerful people who although unelected and unseen, consistently influence the direction of the country.

It also followed that any plan to effect any radical change in society such as by a military coup would find its conception and execution from persons belonging to such Establishment.

Traditionally, the British Establishment referred to those of high-born status and usually with an old school tie/Oxbridge background, who along with others in high government positions of the judiciary, the armed forces, civil service, courtiers within the royal family, the police and security services, have a tendency to form coteries within the exclusive enclaves of gentleman’s clubs.

The fictional Lord Croxley meets with establishment figures in the grandiose settings of a club to finalise the details of the coup which bears traces of reality to the claimed influence of the real life Clermont Club at which some argue that a plot to overthrow the Labour government in the 1970s was hatched.

It is useful to note that the Establishment does not necessarily merge with the concept of the ‘Deep State’, i.e. the ‘state within a state’ of which the Turkish derin devlet is considered the standard.

This other aspect of the secret state; that of a parallel government manipulating events in the background without the knowledge of the incumbent, visible elected power, has, unlike in the case of Turkey and Italy, never been specifically identified in the British context, although her majesty the Queen is once believed to have alluded to the “powers at work in this country about which we have no knowledge.”

However, what is not disputed is the existence of an influential establishment alongside at least a sizeable element of the secret service which plotted against the Labour government in the 1970s with the aim of destabilising it. Wilson himself had made intimations to the reporters Barrie Penrose and Roger Courtiour of “dark forces threatening Britain.”

There are historian-experts in the field such as the author Rupert Allason who assert that the intelligence services in the United Kingdom, unlike some of their European counterparts such as in Italy, is not composed overwhelmingly of individuals of a Right-wing bent. Those with Leftist tendencies, he has argued, were always represented.

While the personnel of the British secret service have tended to come from the elite of society, they did, after all, produce the notorious Cambridge set consisting of the likes of Burgess, McClean, Philby and Blunt, who indoctrinated earlier in their student days by the communist ideology, would later turn traitors against their country.

By the mid-1970s during Wilson’s second tenure as prime minister, the nation had already been through a three-day working week during Heath’s confrontation with the powerful miners union. Militant unions and a Left-wing agenda which could compromise Britain’s commitment to the free market economic system as well as to NATO was a cause of great concern.

Thus it was that in this noxious atmosphere of suspicion and paranoia of the existence of pro-Soviet subversive elements within the political classes, the intelligence services and the powerful labour unions that a group of MI5 agents led by Peter Wright, the author of Spycatcher, “bugged and burgled” their way across London, he claimed, “at the behest of the state.”

Harold Wilson was convinced that he was being watched and that insidious information about him was being disseminated from sources within the security services; part of the executive branch of the government which he was supposed to control.

Apart from the troublesome spooks who were lurking in the shadows, he was also of the mindset that waiting in the wings were high-ranking figures of the military, both serving and retired, who were ready for the signal to overthrow his government.

Not since 1648, when Colonel Thomas Pride strode into the august precincts of the English legislature one December day to bring an end to the ‘Long Parliament’, had anything of the semblance of a military coup d’etat taken place in the ‘mother-nation’  of democracy.

It seemed then to be a most unlikely development.

But Wilson, who privately complained of being undermined by the security services, also took note of a “ring of steel” mounted by the army around London’s Heathrow Airport, first in January and again in June of 1974. The first occurred on the eve of the February general election in which Labour was returned to power after a narrowly contested result.

Although explained as security measures in response to unspecified terrorist threats, Wilson considered these manoeuvres to be clear warnings pointed in his direction.

Warnings came from elsewhere. General Sir Walter Walker, a retired former high echelon figure within the command structure of NATO, expressed dissatisfaction over the state of the country and wrote to the Daily Telegraph calling for “dynamic, invigorating, uplifting leadership…above party politics” which would “save” the country from “the Communist Trojan horse in our midst.” He was involved with Unison (later renamed Civil Assistance) an anti-Communist organisation which pledged to supply volunteers in the event of a national strike.

Another military figure, Colonel David Stirling, the founder of the elite SAS regiment, created ‘Great Britain 75’. Composed of ex-military men, its task would be to take over the running of government in the event of civil unrest leading to a breakdown of government functioning.

These two, however, were red herrings according to Peter Cottrell, author of Gladio: NATO’s Dagger at the Heart of Europe, who claims that these public utterances were a distraction from “what was really going on.”

But the Rubicon was not crossed. There would be no tanks rolling down Whitehall along with the probable modus operandi of solemn martial music preceding the presumed clipped upper class tones of a lord or general proclaiming a state of national emergency and the establishment of a junta.

In the end, however, the British Right won. Wilson abruptly resigned in March 1976, thoroughly exhausted by the campaigns directed at him, while Edward Heath lost the Conservative Party leadership to Margaret Thatcher, the choice of the Right.

(c) Adeyinka Makinde (2013 & 2015)

Adeyinka Makinde is a law lecturer with an interest in security and intelligence matters.


Tuesday, 15 September 2015

COMMENTARY: Corbyn’s Victory

Jeremy Corbyn

To assert that “capitalism is the worst form of economic system except the others” would be a useful adaptation of the famous quote by Winston Churchill on democracy versus the other systems of government. Capitalism was not eroded by the Clement Atlee-led Labour government of the immediate post-war period. At the same time, it should be reminded that Margaret Thatcher could not override every vestige of socialism; the National Health Service being one notable example.

From the English Civil War-era groups such as the Levellers and the Diggers through to the work of Robert Owen at the time of the Industrial Revolution and, of course, the formation of Labour, socialist thinking and activism have been part of the political landscape of the British Isles.

But the Left has for long suffered from its associations with Marxism and the brutal reign of Bolshevism in the Soviet Union until its eventual collapse, and, specifically in Britain, from the failure of the Labour government in the 1970s, the over empowerment of union barons and eighteen long years in opposition to the Conservative Party that began with the triumph of Margaret Thatcher in 1979.

While the controversial election of Jeremy Corbyn as the leader of the Labour Party is being touted by the mainstream media as a retrogressive step that will end in a disastrous era of being “unelectable” if not in the party’s outright extinction, it does provide an important opportunity for the British people to re-examine the path to which mainstream political parties have all adhered for a number of decades. For instance, since the financial meltdown of the late 2000s many have simply gone along with the 'no alternative to austerity' mantra.

They also seem to be getting reconverted to the militarist agenda discredited by the Iraq invasion. The public mood was tangibly validated by the no vote against intervention in Syria a couple of years ago only for the 'programmed' rise of ISIS to begin to distort this.

If Corbyn is a 'threat' to national security, I see no reason why a compelling case cannot be made for the same charge to be saddled against the war mongering likes of George Osborne and David Cameron who must be aware of the NATO-facilitated circumstances behind the rise of jihadist militias in Syria and Iraq. Further, both cannot be unaware of the dangerously manufactured policy of provoking Russia via the Ukraine.

Away from the mudslinging and ideological bashing, I hope that Corbyn's rise will create a substantive stream of debate on the accepted postulates of how to run the British economy. It will be interesting to see what ideas he can come up with that will aim to achieve economic stability and social justice in contemporary Britain.

The Labour Party which was created to serve the interest of the working class clearly no longer does this. It has made itself beholden to corporate interests, and Corbyn's most vociferous critics are from among the 'Blairites' within the party; many of whom do not stand the test of being steadfastly principled in serving the genuine needs of the people. Indeed, the New Labour apostate socialists of the Blair-stripe are mostly a greedy, lucre-chasing lot only interested in their post-political career nest eggs from their true financial masters.

Both Labour and Conservative parties have become similar in ideas and policies and have not offered a practical choice of genuine alternatives to the British electorate. Corbyn's victory has served to delineate the boundaries between both major parties and widened the sphere of options for voters.

It is going to be a difficult time with the Establishment and its defenders in the press arrayed against him, but if he can provide a lucidly articulated viable alternative to austerity and toleration of the worst features of capitalist culture as well as a prudent strategy on immigration without succumbing to hate-laced and xenophobic posturing, he could well change the political landscape.

(c) Adeyinka Makinde (2015)


Adeyinka Makinde is a London-based writer

Bobby Charlton

Bobby Charlton during the 1970 World Cup in Mexico

Bobby Charlton.

He possesses an aura of greatness in far greater excess than Wayne Rooney.

1. Rose from the ashes of the Munich Plane disaster.
2. Won the European Cup in great style.
3. World Cup winner.
4. Participant in some of the most legendary confrontations in international football history.
5. Great ambassador of the sport.


Both Gary Lineker and Jimmy Greaves have better goal scoring ratios and Rooney has now scored more goals but Charlton's style and achievements still make him tops for me.


(C) Adeyinka Makinde (2015)