Sunday, 24 October 2021

My Father's Photograph of Commodore Joseph Wey Meeting President Jomo Kenyatta in 1967

Commodore Joseph Wey (left), the Nigerian Chief of Naval Staff, shakes hands with President Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya on Saturday, March 11, 1967. Original Photo Credit: Lt. Emmanuel Makinde. © Adeyinka Makinde/Makinde Family Archives.

Commodore Wey was in Nairobi to deliver a special diplomatic message to President Kenyatta on behalf of Lt. Colonel Yakubu Gowon, the Head of the Federal Military Government of Nigeria.

Wey, a member of the Supreme Military Council, was accompanied by Edwin Ogbu, the Permanent Secretary to the Federal Ministry of External Affairs.

Also accompanying Wey was my Father, Lieutenant Emmanuel Oladipo Makinde, his aide-de-camp, who was officially designated the Flag Lieutenant to the Chief of Naval Staff.

Although the content of the letter was not revealed, the Federal Military Government was at the time involved with garnering support for the Federal side during the political crisis that would lead to the outbreak of a civil war between the central government and the Eastern region which became the secessionist state of Biafra.

Commodore Wey functioned for a short period of time as an Acting Foreign Minister and the Personal Representative of the Nigerian Head of State. My Father accompanied Wey, who was promoted to the rank of rear admiral in 1967 on visits to locations such as Kenya, Canada and the Vatican.

Prior to this, my Father had accompanied Wey to the Aburi Peace Conference in Ghana and the burial of the slain military Head of State, Major General J.T.U. Aguiyi-Ironsi in Umuahia-Ibeku in January 1967.

My Father went on to become the Deputy Defence Advisor to the Nigerian High Commission in London, performing this role of a military attache in the early 1970s. Later, he became the Director of Navy Supplies and Logistics.

He retired, voluntarily, at the rank of captain.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2021).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.


Monday, 18 October 2021

My Mother The Military Wife

My Mother pictured with my Father at a function at the Nigerian High Commission in London during the early 1970s when my Father, then a Lt. Commander, was serving as the Deputy Defence Adviser.

I have previously supplied several anecdotes about my Father’s military career in relation to his interactions with the likes of Vice Admiral J.E.A. Wey, General Yakubu Gowon, Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu and General Ibrahim Babangida. But what of my Mother, the military spouse who was not Nigerian but lived through many of Nigeria’s early political events and observed at close quarters several of the military officers who came to rule the country?

Well, for me the starting point would be her recollections of the fateful day of July 29 1966, approximately one month before my birth. She woke up early that morning at the bungalow in which she lived on Child Avenue in the Apapa district of Lagos to find the servants quarters deserted. Many, if not all, of the occupants who served the “Married Quarters” section of a residential neighbourhood dominated by military officials, had fled.

News had spread of the violent uprising being orchestrated by officers and men of the army and the air force who were mainly from the Northern Region. They were targeting their counterparts from the Eastern Region as a reprisal for what they perceived to have been an ethnically motivated operation in January 1966 which had claimed the lives of prominent Northern personages in the sphere of politics and the military, an action in relation to which the perpetrators had not been punished.

The bungalow on Child Avenue was close to the 1st Signal Squadron, a location at which one of the coup leaders, Lt. Colonel Murtala Muhammed, the Inspector of Army Signals, had previously served as Officer-Commanding.

My Mother, heavily pregnant with me, was in a conundrum. She needed to do her shopping for the week, but there was no available home help or driver to carry out this task. My Father, at the time a sub-lieutenant, was in England on a naval course. Six months earlier as the Flag Lieutenant to Commodore J.E.A. Wey, the Chief of the Naval Staff, he had stood behind Wey and Major General J.T.U. Aguiyi-Ironsi at the heavily guarded Parliament Building when Ironsi gave his first press conference following his assumption of power.

She decided to go to the market herself on that Friday morning. First, she made sure that my three siblings who were on school holiday, were securely ensconced in a bedroom in the house with food and drink, as well as toys and reading materials to occupy them. They were under firm instructions not to leave the house which had its doors locked and windows shut.

She then embarked on her shopping expedition to Ajegunle Market. There was, she told me, a heavy presence of soldiers at all points of her journey. They patrolled the streets and were placed at each vantage point including the intersections where there were roadblocks. Soldiers were also present on either side of the canal which she had to cross to and from the market.

They were jittery and taking no chances. The soldiers told her they were under orders to search the contents of all bags including those which she was taking back home after her shopping was complete. It was a strain, but she thankfully got home safely to her children.

The ramifications of the military uprising which overthrew Major General Ironsi would present another potential obstacle for my Mother. This was to do with the circumstances of my birth. When she went into labour, she was taken to Myohaung Barracks in the Yaba district of Lagos, at which a military hospital was located. Many of the medical staff at the hospital, doctors, nurses, and technicians, were indigenes of the Eastern Region to which they had now fled as the political crisis in Nigeria intensified. The hospital was thus under-staffed, but my birth was, thankfully, an uncomplicated one.

My Mother was familiar with one of our officer neighbours on Child Avenue. Theophilus Danjuma was a slenderly-built, quiet and amiable young army captain who lived in a billet at the “Bachelors' Quarters” behind our home on Child Avenue. Danjuma, now a major, had been a key participant in the July coup. He had journeyed to the city of Ibadan where he had been tasked with the job of arresting Major General Ironsi at Government House in Ibadan. He had laid siege at Government House before finally entering the building and arresting both Ironsi and Lt. Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, the military governor of the Western Region who had been hosting Ironsi. Danjuma claimed to have “lost control” to subordinates who were waiting outside. Both Ironsi and Fajuyi were then kidnapped and later murdered on the outskirts of the city.

My Mother told me that she did not remember Danjuma coming back to his home but recalled that a van arrived to collect his things. A side note to Danjuma was provided by my older brother who recalled that after Danjuma was sent to the war front after the outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War, he and a gang of friends who were still infants broke into Danjuma’s home where they found a sub-machine gun mounted on a table. They took the magazines of bullets lying around and later had fun tossing bullets into a bonfire.

Danjuma later rose to the position of Chief of Army Staff.

One of the privileges that my Mother enjoyed as the wife of a serving military officer was booking a chalet reserved for naval officers at Tarkwa Bay, a resort bordering Lagos harbour. She often did this during half-term holidays and the long holidays too. Our journey to the delights of the beach began on a boat at the Naval Base in Apapa. Tarkwa Bay was a relatively exclusive destination during the 1960s and provided a more sedate environment than that offered by the busier Bar Beach on Victoria Island.

She also played hostess to a litany of military guests at our homes in Lagos and London when my Father was posted to Britain to serve as the Deputy Defence Adviser to the Nigerian High Commission. Among those who visited our home in Hendon during the 1970s were Vice Admiral Wey, (then) Commander Albert Ajanaku and Air Force Major Uga, one of three military attaches posted to the High Commission. In London, she attended functions at the Nigerian High Commission and saw the Trooping the Colour, the parade marking the official birthday of the British Sovereign, from an area reserved for the diplomatic corps.

My Mother, who was born in Carriacou, a part of the Grenadine Islands in what in old parlance was referred to as the West Indies, was a foreigner in Nigeria. But she adapted well. Nonetheless, she was mortified by the events that followed the coups which had taken place during the year of my birth. She was particularly sympathetic to the suffering of ethnic Igbos who absorbed a succession of pogroms in 1966 and starvation during the war that followed.

On one occasion in Lagos, she took it upon herself to reprimand a group of conversing people who were making fun of Igbos who at the height of the killings in the Northern Region, had been caught by mobs while unsuccessfully trying to preserve their lives by passing themselves off as non-Igbos, either through a change in attire or speaking in a language from the Northern or Western regions.

While temporarily living in London for 18 months with her children during the civil war, she made repeated donations to humanitarian groups seeking relief for the starving in the short-lived Biafran Republic and encouraged her friends and members of her family to do so.

It was a humanitarian rather than a political statement, albeit a sensitive one given that my Father was a serving federal officer. He had consented to my Mother taking us to live in London for a period between 1967 and 1968 because he was travelling to many destinations with (then) Rear Admiral Wey who was serving as the Acting Foreign Minister, as well as the personal representative of Major General Yakubu Gowon, the military Head of State who had emerged after the overthrow of Ironsi. My Father did not want her to be in the position she had been at the time of the coup of July 1966 when he was abroad.

It is these early years which coincided with Nigeria’s turbulent history and the emergence of military rule which stand out during the period that my Mother was a “Military Wife”.

My Mother Grace Makinde died in September 2021.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2021)

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Sunday, 10 October 2021

Annual Boxing Memorabilia Fayre (2021)

I was back at London’s Boxing Fayre after a gap of a few years at the event held at the Dick Collins Hall in Camden, North London on Saturday, October 9th 2021. And as ever, it provided a superb meeting ground for aficionados of the fight game. On display at my stall were copies my biography of Frankie DePaula, Jersey Boy: The Life and Mob Slaying of Frankie DePaula and the Cambridge Companion to Boxing for which I contributed two essays: “The Africans: Boxing and Africa” and “Jose Torres: The Boxer as Writer”.






With Chas Taylor, the man who along with wife Kym makes it all possible

John Henry Lewis, the American world light heavyweight champion prior to defending his title against Len Harvey, a Briton, in November 1936

Nigerian featherweight Rafiu Joe King while preparing for his non-title bout against Howard Winstone of Britain in March 1964

Nino Benvenuti absorbing an uppercut from Emile Griffith during their World Middleweight title contest at Shea Stadium, New York on September 29, 1967

© Adeyinka Makinde (2021).

Adeyinka Makinde is an author and writer based in London, England.

Thursday, 23 September 2021

The Life and Death of Lieutenant Colonel Michael Iyorshe

Lieutenant Colonel Michael Aker Iyorshe captured during filming of the 1986 PBS series “The Africans: A Triple Heritage”

Iyorshe was a brilliant Nigerian Army officer who was implicated in an alleged conspiracy to overthrow the military regime led by (then) Major General Ibrahim Babangida. He was arrested in December 1985, sentenced to death in February 1986 and executed on March 5th 1986.

. Lt. Colonel Iyorshe was an infantry officer born of the Tiv ethnic group.

. He won the Sword of Honour at the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) for achieving the best overall performance during his initial officer training.

. He came first in the officer promotion exams respectively for Lieutenant to Captain and Captain to Major.

. He was the best foreign officer at junior staff college in Canada.

. He attended senior officer staff training at Camberley in England where he excelled at fieldcraft

. As a Major he commanded a battalion at Birnin Kebbi in North Western Nigeria and then served as Brigade Major in the Brigade of Guards in Lagos.

. He was promoted from Major to Substantive Lieutenant Colonel with effect from September 20th, 1984.

. In 1984, he was appointed as a member of Directing Staff (DS) at the Command and Staff College in Jaji soon after the coup which brought Major General Buhari to power.

. Controversy still surrounds the alleged conspiracy which some refer to as a phantom coup. Others believe that general discussions which were critical of the Babangida regime were misconstrued as evidence of an intent to proceed with a plan to overthrow the military government.

. Iyorshe was perceived to be a non-political officer as was evidenced by his negative attitude to the 1983 coup which overthrew the civilian government of President Shehu Shagari. However, he is said to have had misgivings about the government of Babangida, a man who he described as a "master of intrigue".

. The following quote is attributed to Iyorshe:

"What I personally feel is that the nation itself needed a better deal. There have always been people whose only ambition is to lead, not serving any national interest. There has always been individual, tribal or business rights, never the rights of this nation to a better image; social, economic, political and military programs and plans. Nigeria deserves a group of people or leaders transparently honest enough to publish all their assets and liabilities on the pages of newspapers for the world to see. Not a nation where anybody will be allowed to have a foreign bank account let alone the millions stored away. The nation should be such that any Nigerian regardless of his tribe or religion will have the right to aspire to the leadership or rulership of the country. Nigeria was fast sinking to a state of despondency and anarchy. They never and still never trust their leaders. The anarchy at our airports characterises the state of the nation. Corruption is rife in this country and transcends all spheres of life. It is something the nation has to solve. Professional incompetence and mediocrity are rewarded whereas hard work is mocked.

Within the military, the situation was and still is very tense. The welfare of soldiers is totally neglected such that soldiers still live in batchers over ten years after the civil war; no uniforms, no drugs in the hospitals; soldiers are being subjected to too much guard duties, little or no chance to themselves and their families. The discipline in the army in particular was deteriorating rapidly as exemplified by the report of what happened in Lagos on August 27th, 1985 (Iyorshe was referring to the looting of Buhari's personal possessions from his home by coupists).

The question of leadership was not discussed quite seriously, but it was with one exception, felt that the army had always dominated leadership. This was not an issue anyway as there were no solid plans regarding such things, the method of operation and the question of finance. I never considered myself for any higher military or political appointments. In fact, at first, all of us believed that if we succeeded, some senior officers of honesty would be called to rule.

Personally up till quite recently, I never believed that coups solve any problem or else Bolivia would be paradise on earth. But then things seemed to get worse and worse."

. Iyorshe is said to have been calm at the execution stake and is claimed to have even directed some lighthearted words towards Major General Mamman Vatsa who was tied to the stake next to his. Both men laughed.

. Iyorshe was executed on the birthday of his only son.

NB.

. Both Iyorshe and his fellow instructor Lieutenant Colonel Moses Effiong were filmed performing their duties at the Command and Staff College in 1985. The footage appeared in Episode 6 of PBS-produced series The Africans: A Triple Heritage. The episode was titled “In Search of Stability”.

. Effiong, whose sentence was commuted to a term of life imprisonment, denied being a part of the plot and claimed that he was implicated by Iyorshe, with whom he had fallen out in 1983. Effiong’s wife died in a road accident while on her way to visit him in prison. He was released in 1993.

.  Effiong was pardoned in 2020 by President Muhammadu Buhari whose military regime had been overthrown by Major General Babangida in August 1985.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2021)

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.


Saturday, 18 September 2021

Capitalism Has Not Served the American Economy Well But Nancy Pelosi Has Done Little To Ameliorate Its Effects

U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (Oil-on-Canvas by Rebecca Lazinger, 2020)

In a speech titled “State of American Democracy” at an event held at Chatham House, London on September 17, 2021, U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said that capitalism “has not served (the U.S.) economy as well as it should”. Yet Pelosi, who argued that “you cannot have a system where the success of some springs from the exploitation of the workers”, has over the years demonstrated her support for corporate interests over those of workers. She has also been a keen backer of the Military Industry and the National Security State in the wasteful wars of regime change which have hugely profited a few while costing her country trillions of dollars that could have been purposefully spent on alleviating poverty, tackling homelessness and giving young people a debt-free college education.

Pelosi’s statement will inevitably invite an examination of her record in confronting the excesses of capitalism in all its manifestations during her political career.

Where was she when the out-of-control investment banks were bailed out after bringing the US economy to the brink of ruin in the late 2000s? Pelosi voted to bail them out because they were "too big to fail". But more damming, Pelosi did nothing to save those who had their homes and properties foreclosed after being set up to fail by the financial institutions.

Indeed, she has accepted election contributions from the criminally-orientated Goldman Sachs which made a fortune by betting against its own clients prior to the aforementioned financial meltdown.

More recently, Pelosi was not active in attempting to extend the moratorium of evictions caused by the prevailing circumstances of the covid-era. Nor has she vigorously sought to extinguish student loan debt.

She is a great supporter of the US National Security State and its financial and morally costly policy of regime change. She stood up and applauded the C.I.A. stooge Juan Guaido when President Donald Trump pointed him out at the State of the Union Address during which Pelosi theatrically tore up her copy of Trump’s speech.

Pelosi's support for Guaido, whom the US was using as the figurehead of an opposition movement designed to overthrow the legitimate government of Venezuela, is not surprising given that she has received campaign money from powerful elements within the Military Industry such as Boeing and Lockheed Martin.

This sheds light on the hypocrisy of so-called "liberal" support for interventionist wars on the grounds of "humanitarian bombing". It explains why Pelosi the "liberal" not only supported the decade-long endeavour by the United States and its regional allies to overthrow the government of Syria, she opposed Trump's policy of getting out of Syria (the eastern part of which the U.S. illegally occupies), and continues to support the harsh regime of sanctions against the Ba'athist-led nation which after frustrating the concerted effort to destroy it, is in desperate need of all the resources it can muster from reconstruction. In 2019, Pelosi had even tweeted that Trump's anti-Syrian sanctions package was not strong enough.

Today, the wealthiest corporations get away with paying minimal or no tax at all while making tens of billions in profits. That lost revenue together with the trillions lost through futile efforts made at effecting regime change and nation building such as in Afghanistan (described as a “wealth transfer from U.S. taxpayers to military contractors”) could be better spent at alleviating poverty, tackling homelessness, and providing young people with a debt-free college education.

Pelosi is a wealthy woman. If she was genuinely left-wing, she could be described as a "Champagne Socialist". As things stand she perfectly captures the appellation of what is pejoratively termed a "Shitlib".

© Adeyinka Makinde (2021).

Adeyinka Makinde is a writer based in London, England.

Wednesday, 15 September 2021

Africa Speaks | "So What is New in Africa?" | September 14, 2021


Tuesday, September 14th 2021.

A dialogue with Steve Mulindwa on his programme “Africa Speaks”. We will be discussing issues related to the present and future of the African continent including regional insurgencies, secessionist movements, ethnicised politics and the role of women in politics and national reconstruction.

Interviewee:

.  Adeyinka Makinde

The host was Steve Mulindwa.

Tuesday, September 14th, 2021.

Original Programme Link

© Omega Live TV (2021).



Monday, 13 September 2021

Forthcoming Interview on "Africa Speaks"

I am scheduled to join Steve Mulindwa tomorrow for an interview on his programme “Africa Speaks”. We will be discussing issues related to the present and future of the African continent including regional insurgencies, secessionist movements, ethnicised politics and the role of women in politics and national reconstruction.

It will be streamed live on OMEGA Live on YouTube and Facebook on Tuesday, September 14th 2021 between 7.30PM and 8.30PM British Standard Time.

© Adeyinka Makinde (2021).

Adeyinka Makinde is based in London, England.